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3 Semi-Structured Interviews on Legal Reasoning

From: Legal Reasoning Across Commercial Disputes: Comparing Judicial and Arbitral Analyses

S.I. Strong

From: Oxford Legal Research Library (http://olrl.ouplaw.com). (c) Oxford University Press, 2023. All Rights Reserved. Subscriber: null; date: 06 June 2023

Subject(s):
Arbitrators — Deliberation and drafting — Evidence — Judges — Judicial reasoning — Arbitration

(p. 186) Semi-Structured Interviews on Legal Reasoning

I.  Introduction

The second of the three empirical elements to consider involves a series of semi-structured interviews of judges and arbitrators. The interviews covered the same types of issues addressed by the survey and were meant to identify not only what judges and arbitrators do, but why they adopt that particular practice. A copy of the interview protocol is provided in Appendix II.1

The chapter is organized as follows. The discussion begins with methodological and definitional information before moving to the substantive information gleaned from the interviews. The presentation of the interview findings includes subsections concerning the use of legal authorities, the use of factual authorities (evidence), the reasoning process, and the drafting process before concluding with several questions on judicial and arbitral education. The final section of the chapter provides a number of overarching conclusions. The text contains a variety of cross-references to the survey and coding exercise, with additional overarching conclusions appearing in Chapter 5.

II.  Methodology

A.  Design Criteria

Consistent with best practices in the social sciences, all of the interviews followed a standard script, although some variations were built into protocol to allow for differences in background and variations in interviewee responses. In all, 20 participants answered 27 questions (not including sub-parts and scripted follow-ups) in sessions that lasted approximately one hour. Questions followed the same organizational structure as the survey, beginning with general demographic information about the participants, followed by questions about legal authorities, factual and evidentiary issues, legal reasoning, drafting reasoned decisions or awards, and judicial and arbitral education. Interviews were conducted between January 2018 and July 2018.

Interviewees included judges and arbitrators with expertise in domestic commercial disputes, international commercial disputes, or both. The selection of participants was (p. 187) not random, since it was necessary to ensure that the respondents had at least a minimal amount of expertise in the area of legal reasoning. However, efforts were made to identify representative participants with a diverse range of demographic attributes.2 As a result, the population included men and women of varying levels of seniority based in countries in Europe, Asia, and the Americas.

When identifying potential interviewees, the focus for judges was on those who acted at the trial rather than appellate level, since first-instance proceedings are more akin to arbitrations.3 Although it was difficult to obtain access to those who were currently sitting as national or international judges,4 contacts were made through introductions from colleagues and the author’s existing professional network.

Arbitrators were identified through published lists of the most sought-after arbitrators in domestic and international commercial disputes and from professional groups of experienced arbitrators, such as the College of Commercial Arbitrators. A number of former judges who were currently acting as arbitrators were also identified through these means.

Some interviews, including those of both judges and arbitrators, were generated ‘snowball’ fashion, based on recommendations from other interviewees or generated as a result of a general invitation found at the end of the electronic survey discussed in Chapter 2.5 Those individuals who volunteered to be interviewed for this study were included so long as they met the study criteria (i.e. had experience as a judge or arbitrator involved in resolving commercial disputes). This approach helped offset any unconscious biases that might have existed during the initial solicitation of study participants.

Although the study was designed to maximize the validity of the results, some methodological concerns nevertheless exist. For example, questions might arise as to the reliability of self-reported data, since some individuals might exaggerate the nature and quality of their legal decision-making processes in order to portray themselves in a favourable light.6 After considering the issue, it was determined that self-reports would be acceptable in this context given that (1) the veracity of the interview data could be compared to anonymous survey data and objective studies of actual arbitral awards and judicial decisions and (2) the interviews addressed conceptual and motivational issues that have no objectively correct position. While interviewees could nevertheless have sought to emphasize compliance with what they perceived as best practices, that possibility seemed unlikely, given that the questions presumed compliance with established (p. 188) standards of behaviour associated with legal reasoning and focused on what legal reasoning meant to the respondent and how the necessary standards were achieved.7

Another potential concern involves the relatively small size of the sample population, combined with a lack of random selection. While this phenomenon could affect the extent to which the material presented herein can be said to reflect a general pattern of legal decision making in commercial disputes, the interviews nevertheless provide important insights into the decision-making process. Indeed, the interviews were never meant to stand independently but instead were intended to supplement findings generated by other parts of the research initiative (i.e. the survey and the coding exercise).

Finally, some criticisms may focus on the limited nature of this research, which is targeted exclusively on legal reasoning in commercial disputes. While it is unclear whether and to what extent the processes used in commercial matters are equally applicable to other kinds of legal disputes, a narrow concentration was believed appropriate to provide the best information possible on commercial decision making. Furthermore, the methodology adopted herein can be used by researchers wishing to undertake similar studies in other fields.

All of the interviews were conducted by the author and were conducted either in-person or by telephone. Although a number of interviewees agreed to have their comments attributed to them personally, the material is presented herein on an anonymous basis to avoid giving undue weight to some comments. However, each of the interviewees was given a unique number (1–20) to allow comparisons of answers across the survey instrument. The text also identifies each interviewee along the three key axes under investigation in this book (judicial–arbitral, domestic–international, and common law–civil law) so as to help contextualize individual statements.

When analysing the interview responses, the goal was to identify common themes and practices to determine: (1) what attributes are most important to legal decision makers; (2) why those attributes are considered important; and (3) whether legal decision making differs across various demographic lines, including the judicial–arbitral, domestic–international, and common law–civil law divides. While the sample size was too small to allow for any causal inferences to be made, information from the interviews helps round out interpretation of the survey material in Chapter 2 and the results of the coding exercise in Chapter 4.

When conducting the interviews, no attempt was made to link the interviewees to either the survey or to the coded decisions or awards. Indeed, the anonymity of the survey made it impossible to know whether an interviewee even completed the survey, although they were made aware of the existence of the survey at the end of the interview in case they wanted to participate in that aspect of the research project. While it might have been possible to seek out published decisions and awards from interviewees in order to compare their interview responses and their actual practices, no effort was made to do so in order to protect the confidentiality of interviewees and to encourage candour during the interview.

(p. 189) B.  Definitional Issues

Before beginning the interview, participants were provided with a number of definitions to ensure standard answers. These definitions mirrored those used in both the survey and the coding exercise so as to ensure consistency across the different segments of the study. Thus, interviewees were told that the term ‘reasoned decisions or awards’, as used in the interview, included but was not limited to judicial decisions and arbitral awards with findings of fact and conclusions of law. Participants were also told to limit their responses to disputes that were commercial in nature, meaning business-to-business or commercial state entity-to-business disputes. Interviewees were told that this definition specifically excluded investor-state arbitration.

The term ‘international’ was perhaps the most important item to clarify, given the study’s focus on comparing domestic and international practices. Interviewees were therefore told that an international dispute was one in which at least two parties came from different countries, where the property in dispute was located in a country different than the disputants or where performance or enforcement was anticipated in a country different than that of the disputants.8 All other disputes were to be considered domestic. Respondents who had experience in both domestic and international disputes were asked to indicate which category of cases they were discussing and to identify any differences in practice, where relevant.

Interviewees were told to focus on their general practice. However, they were also advised that it might be easiest for them to think about their last commercial dispute when answering the questions, unless they believed that matter was atypical in some manner.

During the preliminary phase of the interviews, participants were asked to indicate whether they had served as a judge, an arbitrator, or both. Participants who had acted in a judicial capacity were also asked to describe the type of court with which they had been involved (i.e. an international court or tribunal, a national or federal court or tribunal, or a sub-national, state or local court). Interviewees were also asked to identify what percentage of the commercial disputes that they had heard on the merits were national versus international in nature.

Based on the responses given, participants were then given the following descriptions, which are used in the analysis below. Interviewees who indicated that they worked in domestic capacities are also described as coming from the common law or civil law tradition, using the same breakdown of legal families used in Chapter 4.9

  • •  Domestic judges, meaning those with exclusive experience as a domestic judge. None of the interviewees self-identified as working exclusively as an international judge.

  • (p. 190) •  Domestic arbitrators, meaning those with experience primarily as a domestic arbitrator. Some of these individuals might also occasionally act as international arbitrators, but the interviewees did not consider their international workload to be significant.

  • •  Domestic judge–arbitrators, meaning those with experience as both a judge and an arbitrator in domestic matters.

  • •  International judge–arbitrators, meaning those with experience as both a judge and an arbitrator in international matters.

  • •  International arbitrators, meaning those with experience primarily as an international arbitrator. Some of these individuals might also occasionally act as domestic arbitrators, but the interviewees did not consider their domestic workload to be significant. Some of these individuals might also act as arbitrators in investment (investor-state) disputes, but they were asked to discuss their commercial practice rather than their investment practice.

  • •  Mixed international–domestic arbitrators or judge–arbitrators. These individuals indicated that they had handled a significant amount of both domestic and international work over the course of their careers. Some of these individuals might also act as arbitrators in investment (investor-state) disputes, but they were asked to discuss their commercial practice rather than their investment practice.

III.  Substantive Findings

A.  General Issues

The survey began with a number of general questions meant to explore the basic assumptions of legal decision makers. Although these questions could be viewed as ‘warm ups’ for the more detailed and innovative inquiries that came later in the interview, the questions also helped confirm the extent to which judges and arbitrators differed (if at all) with respect to how they viewed the purpose, use, and nature of legal reasoning.

1.  Purpose of reasoned decisions and awards

The first question in this series was very general and simply asked the respondent to identify the purpose of a reasoned decision or award. Scholarly and professional literature aimed at judges and, to a lesser extent, arbitrators, have identified a number of structural and non-structural reasons why legal decision makers do or should write reasoned decisions or awards.10 Although one might expect these (p. 191) rationales to be conveyed to judges and arbitrators through professional training initiatives, educational programs for legal decision makers are not standardized.11 Furthermore, an unknown proportion of judges and arbitrators have completed little or no coursework in writing decisions or awards, which precludes the direct transmission of information about the purposes of reasoned decisions or awards.12 Instead, many professionals learn basic behavioural norms, including those relating to the purpose of reasoned decisions and awards, through the process of acculturation.13

Despite these difficulties, the interview data nevertheless suggested a relatively strong consensus relating to the purpose of reasoned decisions or awards. First, virtually all of the interviewees—regardless of where they fell along the judicial–arbitral, domestic–international, and common law–civil law divides—indicated that ‘it is important for parties to know the basis of the arbitral decision’,14 to use the words of Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator with a civil law background.

Some respondents elaborated on why the parties needed to understand the nature of the decision. For example, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, recognized ‘an emotional need for a party to know the content of my decision’, while Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, noted that parties ‘will feel better about the intellectual integrity of the process if they see how the arbitrators go forward with their reasoning’. Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly indicated that a reasoned decision or award ‘ensures the parties are informed as to how the tribunal came to its conclusion and sets the basis for the extent to which the parties (or one party) will accept the decision and make its decision as to whether it will seek to set the award aside or have it confirmed’.15

Some respondents distinguished between the winning and the losing party.16 For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, (p. 192) suggested that the purpose of a reasoned decision or award is ‘to explain to parties, especially losing parties, the reason for the award’.17 Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the civil law tradition, went even further and noted that the purpose of a reasoned decision or award is

to provide parties with considerations why the tribunal decided one way or another—the parties have pled their case and need to have a clear explanation of why the way they put their case is not the outcome. Both parties must understand the way the arbitrator decides; the losing party needs to understand clearly why that particular position prevails.

One respondent (Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator) went so far as to say that a reasoned decision or award ‘may help the parties if they have ongoing relations because the dispute will come up again—[it] could improve their relationship’.

Other individuals emphasized the connection between the parties and the decision maker. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, stated that reasoned decisions and awards were necessary ‘to communicate to parties the basis of the arbitrator’s conclusion in a way that shows a proper understanding of the dispute’. Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator speaking primarily as an arbitrator, went slightly further, stating that the reason s/he ‘bring[s] in precedents’ and offers ‘my take on credibility of witnesses and what theories of fact and law on which [the decision or award] is based’ is ‘to allow the parties to understand why I’ve decided in a certain way’. Interestingly, one common law domestic judge–arbitrator (Interviewee 12) stated that the purpose of reasoned decisions and awards was ‘to allow [the parties] the opportunity to challenge, meaning if you give a simple answer—and that is rare now—it is less likely for people to challenge your ruling; there is less basis for a challenge’.18

Although responses focused heavily on the need to provide parties with an understanding of the outcome of the dispute, interviewees also provided a number of other rationales for reasoned decisions and awards. The second most popular response involved the role that reasoned decisions and awards play in appellate or review processes. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said that reasoned decisions and awards ‘provide a record of reasoning to enable a (p. 193) reviewing court (if any) to understand arbitral reasoning, essentially protecting the award’.19

Not surprisingly, those who came from an arbitration background tended to focus on procedural concerns, since review of arbitral awards is limited to procedural errors in most jurisdictions. Thus, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted the need ‘to demonstrate to reviewing court (if any) that the arbitrator has treated the parties equally and given them a fair opportunity to present’.20 Those with judicial experience similarly noted that reasoned decisions and awards were useful ‘to some extent … to give comfort to courts who hear annulment proceedings to show that the proceeding was correct’ (Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator).

As predicted by the legal literature,21 several respondents indicated that reasoned decisions and awards provided an opportunity for the author to check his or her own decision-making process. Thus, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, stated that writing a reasoned award was ‘a way of forcing me to improve the quality of my decision making, to see if it reads as well as it is in my head’. Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, stated that a ‘very important reason’ for reasoned decisions and awards

is because it causes arbitrators to think rigorously. I have had many deliberations in which the panel thinks they’ve figured it out, and when I write the decision, I find the law is not precisely as we assumed. I have had at least one case where the panel decided the text of the law would not permit the outcome we had contemplated.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, similarly indicated that the purpose of reasoned decisions and awards was ‘to make sure the decision maker pays attention to what they’re doing—that they’re not just flipping a coin. Reasoned awards provide discipline for the decision maker and understanding to the parties.’

Rather than focusing on individual needs, some respondents emphasized systemic needs. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that reasoned decisions and awards ‘demonstrate to third party reviewers of the award the legitimacy of the dispute resolution process in arbitration’. Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, stated,

It’s a justice system and everyone is entitled to their day in court and a well-reasoned decision explaining the judge’s thoughts. Just as criminal law says I must give reasons—commercial law is the same. Our democracy needs a reasoned award—it’s part of our justice system. For example, even if we don’t agree, we can understand the reasoning.

(p. 194) Interestingly, Interviewee 15, another common law domestic judge–arbitrator with extensive judicial experience, noted a significant difference in the nature of reasoned decisions in his/her jurisdiction, depending on the type of court. As s/he said, ‘I’ve seen [state/local] court decisions with one-line decisions and orders drafted by the parties and the judge simply stamps [the document] ‘so ordered’. In [national/federal] court, every decision was reasoned’.

Another systemic rationale involves the creation of hard and soft precedent by both judicial decisions and arbitral awards.22 For example, one former common law domestic judge (Interviewee 15) noted that the purpose of reasoned judicial decisions was to ‘set precedent for future disputes that raise the same issues’. A similar rationale was enunciated by Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, who stated that a decision or award that was made public could serve ‘potentially as a resource/precedent, as it were, or a decision of interest for other tribunals before which similar issues may be raised’.

Respondents also identified a number of rationales that were not commonly discussed in the legal literature. For example, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that a reasoned decision or award ‘can help counsel understand whether they hit the mark—how they did—almost like a report card’ and ‘give[s] feedback if [counsel] were credible’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, also noted that reasoned decisions and awards may be helpful if there are ‘third party participants who need to know the content of the arbitration’.23

2.  Audience for reasoned decisions and awards

The second question in this series asked who the respondents considered to be the audience for reasoned decisions or awards.24 This question offered an indirect means of confirming the responses to the previous question, since the purpose of a reasoned decision or award often implies the existence of an audience.

As expected, most of the respondents listed the parties as their primary audience members, with four individuals—Interviewees 3, 5, 13, and 19—indicating that the parties were their exclusive audience. Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, specified his/her audience as ‘the losing party—though both parties can be considered the losing party in some cases because they may not get all they ask for’. The emphasis on the parties was consistent with data derived from the survey.25

Several respondents defined ‘parties’ to include counsel or specified counsel along with the parties.26 Thus, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, stated that his/her audience was ‘the parties, including counsel, and more so the losing party, since (p. 195) they need to know what they did wrong’. That sentiment was echoed by Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator who said that ‘attorneys are parties. I write with the party that would consider themselves the losing party in mind. I tend to write for all to read/understand but so losing party can understand’.

A number of individuals indicated that they wrote for courts that might be asked to review an award.27 In some cases, the respondent made a judgment call regarding the likelihood of review. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, stated that it ‘depends on whether I believe the award is likely to be reviewed by a court. If not, the parties and fellow arbitrators. If review is likely, then I’d include the reviewing court’. Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, similarly focused ‘mostly [on] the parties’, but indicated that ‘I also bear in mind that the award has to be comprehensible to anyone called on to review it, meaning courts, not the public’. That sentiment was shared by Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator who said his/her audience was ‘the parties’ and, ‘to a lesser extent, a reviewer that is built into the rules or by the nature of the dispute, where there should be some review’.

Not everyone focused primarily on the parties. For example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, said,

The [appellate court] is my first audience—I want to be affirmed. Then, lawyers, to show that I have heard their arguments and did my legal research. Finally, the parties—they put their faith in our courts and a decision gives them the full measure of justice. Both sides are entitled to know why the outcome came out as it did.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, believed that ‘the primary audience is the parties’, but ‘beyond that, we are always mindful of how someone who doesn’t know the case would understand our reasoning. The ultimate reader is the curial court.’

Several respondents raised systemic concerns. For example, Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that his/her audience was the court, as well as ‘all people who read legal decisions. Lawyers will look for precedent. Sometimes the audience is the public, if [the issue involves] … systemic change (outside the common law context).’ Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, noted that s/he had ‘had discussions with [a quasi-public arbitral institution] where they say we’re writing for the file to develop [a particular body of] law’, although Interviewee 16 continued to write ‘for the parties and only secondarily for the greater development of law’.

Other respondents focused on external audience members. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that although the parties were his/her first audience, ‘to the extent the award is made public, [the audience includes] lawyers operating in the field and their clients, and arbitrators in the field’. Conversely, (p. 196) Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, indicated the most ‘significant’ audience was ‘third parties who are participating in payment of award’, with the parties constituting a ‘less significant’ audience.

3.  Hallmarks of a well-written reasoned decision or award

The final question in this series asked respondents to identify the hallmarks of a well-written reasoned decision or award.28 This is not an issue that has been considered in detail by either scholars or courts,29 which may have contributed to the diversity of the responses provided by interviewees.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition, described the views of several respondents30 when s/he said that a well-written reasoned decision or award contains

a recitation of facts that are relevant to the outcome; a full but succinct outline of parties’ positions on dispositive issues and a decision that clearly connects the relevant facts, applies the law to the relevant facts, leading to a decision affecting the outcome, without dicta and without deciding issues not central to the dispositive issue. The most important part is the ‘knitting’ portion—knitting the facts to the law to the outcome.

Although this description is reminiscent of standard common law thinking, the technique is not limited to those from a common law background. For example, Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the civil law tradition, said,

First, one has to make the parties clear that you understood their arguments … so you put in the award the argument of the parties to show you understood the parties. Second, show you understand the facts of the case. Third, show you applied the law to the facts of the case and why you applied the law as you did.

Another frequent response involved matters relating to structure. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that ‘clarity of the syllogistic process, applying facts to principles of law or procedure is the most significant—this includes being complete. The most significant goal is having a very clear presentation of legal principles and facts applied to those principles.’ Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that a well-written reasoned decision or award was ‘efficient, detailed, well-organized, applying law to facts so the basis for the outcome is clear’ and providing an ‘adequate explanation of outcome and basis for the outcome’.

(p. 197) The interview responses were unclear as to whether judicial decisions did or should differ structurally from arbitral awards. On the one hand, Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that a reasoned award

is structured so that people know where to find what they’re looking for, which makes writing the award different than a judgment. Judges have artistic license to write as they want to get a certain point. In arbitration, structure is more formalistic, in that you usually follow a particular order. After that, clarity of reasoning is important.

Differences between judicial and arbitral writing were also mentioned by Interviewee 15, a former common law domestic judge now working as an arbitrator. S/he stated that ‘clarity’ was a critical component of a reasoned decision or award, meaning that ‘you need to state what the findings are and what the conclusion is’. Indeed, Interviewee 15 went on to note that ‘today I’m struggling with a difficult arbitration case where I’m parsing state court decisions and they’re badly written—the state court judge maybe didn’t understand the issues’.

Although some judges took a somewhat lax view to structure, other judges did not. For example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, indicated that s/he adopted a very rigorous approach to structuring reasoned decisions, stating,

Every order is the same—it’s IRAC [Issue-Rule-Application-Conclusion].31 What’s background, what’s controlling law—you need to explain that you’re not just reciting [the relevant rules of civil procedure]. You need to thoughtfully lay out facts and discuss those in important part. Usually there’s no dispute about the law, especially if it’s contract law.

I want citations to the record for the [appellate court] and the parties. The facts come out of someone’s brief.

We put citations in orders we do because we make parties put citations in the briefs. All of those follow the IRAC analysis.

Arbitrators also discussed questions of structure. For example, Interviewee 3, a civil law international arbitrator, noted that ‘the International Law Association has a new study on precisely the reasoning of awards. I think this is a good topic because there are lots of mistakes on reasoning.’ S/he went on to note that, ‘for reasoning, you take claims and then reason your decision on the claims, on the basis of the argument from parties, though you do not need to address all the arguments parties present. You justify your decision on the claims.’ Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, also noted the need for ‘completeness, not meaning every last point raised but needing to address each claim and the primary arguments at issue so there’s no complaint that the tribunal failed to respond to issues’.

(p. 198) Some respondents emphasized issues of style when discussing the hallmarks of a well-written decision or award. For example, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, said that a well-written reasoned decision or award should be

clear, concise, not too academic, analysing facts (not ignoring them) and combining facts with legal rules and some reference to law. I’m not a fan of too many academic footnotes. Parties are not interested in academic awards—you have to solve a problem; you’re not establishing a Grundtest (that’s more an investment arbitration issue anyway). Arbitrators should not be cavalier, but should focus on a beaten track.

Interviewee 16, another international judge–arbitrator, indicated that the most important elements for him/her were,

not in order of importance: one, well-organized and crafted on a purely logical layout. Two, coherent exposition and application of law, facts, and contract. Three, well-written stylistically and otherwise, to the extent this gives the award authority—it is not better because it has literary pretentions, but it needs to be persuasive.

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, also focused on the concept of good writing and defined that as ‘not meaning stylish per se, but inspiring confidence in the parties as to the quality of the reasoning and skills of the arbitrator. I’ve seen ungrammatical and sloppy writing in other awards, and that suggests sloppy legal reasoning.’32

Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, indicated that a well-written reasoned decision or award

sets forth the factual and procedural background of the matter, including references to legal authorities (statutes and cases), and focusing on key issues—do not get bogged down in trivia.

It has good, clear writing like you see in a law review article or a legal opinion.

It walks the see-saw/tightrope between being too technical and not technical enough; it’s written so your elderly aunt or uncle could understand it but includes the technical elements. That’s why I think footnotes are important; they help avoid interruptions to the flow.

The concept of ‘readability’ was mentioned by several respondents. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, stated that a well-written reasoned decision or award ‘is written in an integrated way and is readable—dealing with the facts and law in the case’. Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, also mentioned ‘readability’ in addition to ‘defensible logic’ and a ‘principled application of legal standards as determined by the arbitrator to the facts as determined by the arbitrator’.

(p. 199) Critically, both judges and arbitrators emphasized the need to address the law, thereby rejecting the longstanding assumption that arbitrators do not apply the law.33 Thus, in addition to the references to the controlling law noted above, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, emphasized that a well-written reasoned decision or award ‘applies whatever the applicable law is’, while Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, identified the critical elements as ‘recitation of facts, identification of any points of contention, prior arbitral awards or case law that would impact my reasoning, mixing that in with facts and reasoning of case—that’s also how I write. The hallmark means those aspects of the award.’

Finally, several respondents focused on the effect of a well-written reasoned decision or award. For example, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, stated that a well-written reasoned decision or award ‘doesn’t result in questions’. Interviewee 17, a civil law international judge–arbitrator, noted that such a decision or award ‘should advise about all important points so that when the parties read them, the decision makes sense. The award must look fair.’

4.  Structure of a reasoned decision or award

The final question in this series asked how the respondent usually structured a reasoned decision or award. Some individuals, such as Interviewee 9, the common law domestic judge who relied on IRAC, had already discussed issues relating to structure.34 However, this question provided other interviewees with the opportunity to address structural considerations.

The responses indicated no real difference between judges and arbitrators35 and between national and international decision makers in terms of the substance of the decision or award. However, some variations appeared to exist with respect to the discussion of procedural issues.36 Arbitrators—particularly international arbitrators—seemed more likely to include a section on procedural history.37 For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, specifically noted that his/her writing style

depends on the international institution or whether the case is international versus domestic. In domestic cases, especially AAA [American Arbitration Association] cases, they typically do not require lots of procedural history, but that is expected in (p. 200) international rules, and the ICDR [International Centre for Dispute Resolution] is (or people at the ICDR are) beginning to favour that, so I put the procedural history and status of the dispute in the beginning.

Those who acted a judicial capacity—particularly in a domestic setting—seemed less likely to include procedural histories. The reason behind this difference probably related to the fact that the judges in the study were first-instance rather than appellate judges, and procedural histories are often considered less necessary at the trial level.38 However, some former common law domestic judges, such as Interviewee 15, did mention the need to start with ‘jurisdiction and procedural history’ before moving to facts, followed by conclusions of law.

The interview protocol did not seek to establish the motivation for international arbitral practice per se, but the various differences that arose could be attributed to standardized education on best practices in international arbitration (such as that offered by the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (CIArb) or by arbitral institutions such as the AAA);39 standardized award-review mechanisms imposed by arbitral organizations such as the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC);40 informal socialization (acculturation) among arbitrators through international conferences or through years of experience of reading arbitral awards while acting as an advocate;41 and/or the influence of decisions from international courts such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ).42 Indeed, Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, specifically noted that

with the AAA, [I] follow the format—intro of case, identity of parties, witnesses, who is at table. State facts in complaint and answer, then go into presentation by claim on facts, rebutted by respondent and then how I view facts, then relationship with conclusions of law I draw to extent they’re relevant, then decision that brings together the rationale from findings of fact. The last point is boilerplate where you assign the amount due and who pays and that you’re functus officio.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly noted that,

in a sense, we’re beaten into shape by the ICC because the ICC scrutinizes the award and you get guidance notes you must follow. The order is dictated to you. You pay a lot of attention to procedural history, which is not seen in a judgment, but you have to record that here. Here, one has to take the procedural history into account because (p. 201) the award may be read in more than one enforcing country and you must take those traditions into account and must know the differences that are required.

Another area where differences appeared involved the likelihood of including a separate section on the parties’ contentions. Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that ‘I find it clunky to follow a rigid obligation to state the parties’ position on each issue, but some institutions think it’s important. I try to comply with the organization’s rules because the parties chose those rules for a reason.’

Several respondents indicated that they had a general pattern that they followed in most cases. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, used a specific template—‘(1) paragraph with short conclusion; (2) summarize parties’ positions; (3) procedural history; (4) history of dispute; (5) contentions of the parties; (6) applicable legal standard; (7) apply standards to facts; (8) reach conclusion’—that was very similar in substance to the IRAC model used by Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge.43

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, indicated that the ‘sequence may vary, case to case’, but usually included

who the parties are, including counsel. Procedural history—not a comprehensive history, but the major steps. The text of the arbitration agreement, the governing law, the seat, any applicable rules. I don’t necessarily have a standalone statement of facts—sometimes I put the facts in the legal analysis, since a long fact section in the abstract can be off-putting to some parties. Instead, I may just do an overview of cases with undisputed factual elements. Legal sections—each claim or material legal issue is separate. I summarize the parties’ arguments then address the relevant legal or contractual provisions and facts that lead to my decision. In complex cases, I put the facts relevant to each claim near the legal analysis. Dispositif—decision/ conclusion section with relief provided. If jurisdiction is contested, I do that section by itself.

Other respondents adopted a similar approach,44 although the length of each section often depended on the specifics of the case itself,45 as suggested by the coding (p. 202) exercise.46 Interestingly, no distinction as to structure appeared to arise with respect to common law versus civil law experts.47

Not all respondents adopted a standardized approach. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, indicated that s/he had ‘no real standard structure’ but instead proceeded on a case-by-case basis.

Some discrepancies arose as to whether to break the substantive discussion down issue-by-issue or claim-by-claim, rather than including all of the facts or all of the law at once. For example, Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, stated that

I start with an introduction—very short but gives the outcome, since I hate to flip to the back. It’s usually something like, ‘this case concerns a share purchase agreement, the parties have claimed X, and the claimant prevails for the reasons set forth below’. Then I set out the relevant facts, then the applicable law and relevant contracts. Then I provide the parties’ positions and discuss the issues.

The big question is always whether to go issue by issue or to set out the parties’ positions in whole. For me, it depends on whether you need to decide everything or whether one item will be dispositive. For example, if I am going to dismiss on jurisdictional grounds, I will give all the parties’ positions at once but be somewhat more succinct on the merits because I’m not going to reach those. If I must address the claims on the merits, then I will likely go issue by issue, giving the outcome on each.

The concept of breaking down the analysis issue-by-issue or claim-by-claim as best suits the dispute is in accordance with suggestions made in academic works discussing the structure of legal analysis.48 This seems to be the approach adopted by Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, who noted that s/he would normally ‘take the position of the parties and then try to sketch their positions topic by topic, then give the view of the tribunal. I prefer to do it topic by topic, not all at once.’ Interviewee 16, another international judge–arbitrator, also indicated that s/he organized decisions and awards by ‘individual claims and counterclaims and then cost and administrative matters’.

As useful as this approach can be, there are times when it can cause difficulties. For example, although Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, normally used an issue-by-issue approach, s/he admitted ‘this can be clunky if the parties give me 25 issues and only one or two are dispositive. There are times I say, “if an issue is not (p. 203) addressed here, I have rejected it” because I just can’t make myself go through all the issues.’ Interviewee 4 similarly noted that an arbitrator must include ‘a very, very clear conclusion with relief granted’.

B.  Legal Authorities

The next section of the interview focused on the use and interpretation of legal authorities. Questions focused on matters such as the relative importance of legal authorities, methods of reviewing legal authorities, the time involved in reviewing legal authorities, independent legal research, citation of legal authorities, and advice from judges and arbitrators to counsel regarding legal authorities. These issues were considered in both the survey49 and the coding exercise.50

1.  Relative importance of legal authorities

The series began by asking about the type of legal authorities (statutes, cases, scholarly works, etc.) that the respondent considered most important when s/he was drafting a reasoned decision or award.51 As noted earlier in this chapter, respondents of all types—both judges and arbitrators, including those specializing in national and international disputes—described the centrality of law to a well-reasoned decision or award.52 No differences appeared to arise along the various axis of inquiry (judicial–arbitral, domestic–international, and common law–civil law), although variations did appear between individual respondents, suggesting that most discrepancies arise as a result of individual temperament and decision-making philosophies, not as a result of particular functions or legal backgrounds.

The first question sought to determine how respondents defined a ‘legal authority’ and how they prioritized various types of authorities, two issues that were also considered in the survey and coding exercise.53 Although the legal literature traditionally claimed that common law and civil law lawyers diverge in how they view legal authority, that hypothesis was not borne out in the interviews, suggesting that the two legal traditions are in fact converging, as suggested by more recent commentary.54 However, some discrepancies did arise, albeit in some unexpected ways.

For example, some differences in the use of legal authorities could arise as a result of the arguments posed by counsel rather than by the training and experience of the neutral. Indeed, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator from a common law background, noted that

mostly I rely on what the parties have cited. Typically, I do not do my own research. Common law lawyers tend to give me cases, civil law lawyers give me scholars.(p. 204)

I read as a corrective to make sure that the award reflects the framework of the governing law (civil or common) and reflects the mandatory law and procedural rules. The balance of authorities depends on the jurisdiction in question.

Interviewee 2 noted that some variations may arise as a result of the controlling law, a point that was also made by Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from the civil law tradition. S/he said that the relative importance of different types of legal authorities ‘depends on the applicable law’, noting that

articles of civil or commercial codes will be more important and mostly addressed by the parties in civil law cases. Case law is more important in cases controlled by the common law.

It depends on the hierarchy of norms under the applicable law. For example, in England, you do not rely on doctrinal authorities [scholarly writings], but in civil law matters, you do.

Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that the most important legal authority was, ‘first and foremost, the applicable law. Beyond that, there may be pertinent academic authorities or decisions of other tribunals that tend to support or confirm the findings of the tribunal in the application of the law.’ Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that ‘I don’t have a single rule. I am guided by the issues and law at stake.’ However, s/he also stated that s/he was guided,

first and foremost, [by] the rules of arbitration. These do not deal with the merits, but they are important.

On the merits, first are those authorities dictated by the party’s contract—if they choose a law, that dictates the importance of the authorities. In the US, cases matter according to the federal/state hierarchy. The parties’ choice of substantive law determines if I find secondary authority helpful. I don’t always quote it, but I find secondary authority helpful.

If it’s a [statutory] question, the code that’s most applicable is the one from the state. If international treaty issues are involved, then treaties are the primary law and international law will instruct on other applicable authorities.

Some respondents believed that the relative importance of particular legal authorities changed according to the type of dispute.55 For example, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said the relative importance of different authorities ‘depends on the case. Often it is case law for commercial cases, but even in commercial cases (for example, in intellectual property matters), statutes and regulations can be important.’ Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, stated that ‘in commercial matters, (p. 205) usually the contract and major decisions in the relevant national law [are the most important]. If there are international law issues, then so-called “international precedent”. If it’s a jurisdictional issue regarding timing, then sometimes statutes will be relevant.’ However, Interviewee 19 also noted that ‘most cases turn on the facts’, not on the law, an issue that is discussed further below and that is reinforced in other aspects of the study.56

Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, said,

A lot depends on the case. Some turn on a statute. Often, when the matter is governed by US law, cases become very important because the statute will allow one or two inferences and case law will tell which is right. For example, I had an insurance dispute about whether a policyholder should recover, but the law often sets forth the definition of a ‘reasonable settlement’ in cases, not statutes.

Scholarly works, in most commercial disputes, are not important for substantial matters, but they are important for procedural matters, such as the extent of document production.

Interviewee 7’s view about the importance of scholarly works as a general proposition appears to be borne out by the survey and coding exercise, including the suggestion that scholarly works are used differently depending on whether the dispute is substantive or procedural.57 When pressed on whether any differences existed based on whether the matter was governed by the common law or civil law, Interviewee 7 stated that

in practice, there’s no real difference. When one decides a case under common law (English or US) law, one cites cases, but in the civil law (I have handled matters under French, German, Swiss, Italian, and Spanish law), one cites statutes. The common law also has statutes, but you do get into cases in a way you don’t with civil law.

Regarding scholarly opinion—under civil law, there is the concept of jurisprudence constante—a continual line of case law. Often you get a professor to say the jurisprudence constante provides X as the right answer, so a scholarly opinion does come in more often because case law comes in via the opinion of the professor. You would not cite the cases directly; you’d cite the professor.

The concept of the highest form of authority in the controlling jurisdiction was emphasized by Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator. When asked which type of legal authority was most important, s/he said, ‘binding authority is the most important. The Supreme Court or my circuit is governing law as interpreted by a higher court. When I have a statute, I’m bound by the terms if you understand its terms. Scholarly commentary is not binding.’ Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic (p. 206) arbitrator from a civil law background, also noted that the decision about which law is most important

depends heavily on the system of law that you’re applying. If it’s a civil system, then the key sources are the contract, codes, and statutes, and then jurisprudence and third-party doctrine/authors. In most civil law systems, there is no system of precedent, so jurisprudence [case law] is auxiliary. In common law systems, the main source of authority is precedent, statutes and legal authorities. The order changes depending on the type of law and the legal system.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, also recognized that the analysis ‘depends on applicable law and depends on case’ but noted that it was ‘trite’ to claim that ‘that relevant authorities are the most relevant’. For Interviewee 16, the first, most important authority was ‘the best substantive law if it is the substantive law. Second, I like precedents even under other substantive law. I even find other awards persuasive. Sometimes you have an expert on law—especially “exotic” law. If I can’t read the law myself, I like an expert.’

The distinction between common law and civil law authorities was also recognized by Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition. On the one hand, s/he noted that that the relative importance of a particular authority ‘depends which law I’m under—I apply a lot of different law. It may depend on whether I apply common law—then there’s a lot more emphasis on decisions. If I apply civil law, I would quote decisions but put equal emphasis on doctrinal law.’ However, Interviewee 17 also noted that

I generally have a section in my first order that says the parties are to put forward legal authorities in support of their points but the tribunal has the power but not the obligation to do its own research. If it does its own research but reaches a conclusion not in response to the parties’ briefings or that would surprise the parties, it will allow a response from the parties.

I think, unlike other arbitrators, that I can reach the law that attorneys do not research. They may miss points, then I look stupid if I didn’t research.

The notion of independent legal research is an important one and is discussed more fully below58 and in the survey.59

Perhaps the most notable feature of the various responses was that virtually all interviewees indicated that statutes were of primary importance, regardless of the respondent’s status as a judge or arbitrator or their affiliation with the common or civil law.60 For example, (p. 207) Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, simply indicated ‘statutes’ in response to this question. Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, said, ‘We start with the statute, then [appellate court] and Supreme Court precedents, then go outside for anything that’s not been addressed. I have yet to find an issue that another circuit hasn’t addressed if the [appellate court] hasn’t, so it’s very unusual to cite to scholarly work.’ Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly indicated that s/he found ‘statutes and cases’ the most important type of legal authority.

No difference in approach arose along the domestic–international axis, either. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the common law tradition, said that the most important legal authorities to him/her were, ‘where applicable, statute or rule first, then jurisprudence, meaning cases (national law), ICJ (if it is relevant) and arbitral rulings. The ICJ cases would be persuasive.’ Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, similarly said that s/he would ‘start with statutes, and if there’s well-established court precedents, then rely on those. If there are no precedents, then it’s more delicate.’

Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, indicated that for him/her,

case law of the jurisdiction in question is probably the greatest [influence]. I do not pay much attention to scholarly works because if I’m at the cutting edge, it’s my cutting edge, not someone else’s. If I’m not at the cutting edge, then I have case law. I do not use case law from outside the jurisdiction because it’s not usually relevant unless I’m at the cutting edge.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, made an important observation about the role that acculturation plays in judicial and arbitral drafting and decision making. According to him/her,

There’s a difference between what authorities are important to me and the authorities that are important to the ICC—they have a more rigorous scrutiny process, and they can be difficult when you make a proposition of law that is so plain it brooks no argument, but if it has not been specifically conceded, you must put in a cite, and if it is a cite the parties haven’t noted, you must go back to the parties and ask their permission. Once you’re used to the ICC, you do it that way even if it’s not required.

Subjectively, what an arbitrator looks for—if the proposition of law is well accepted, you only need to cite a major textbook or a major case. Counsel may cite multiple cases, but that’s not really necessary for the tribunal unless a case is disputed by the other side. If the law is developed in a series of cases, you may need to cite sources of cases.

Those respondents whose rationales were not clear from their previous answers were then asked why they responded as they did. Sometimes the decision maker’s practice arose as a function of the nature of the legal authority. For example, as Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted, ‘Because [statutory law] is the primary (p. 208) law, case law merely interprets the statutes.’ Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly stated that s/he relied on ‘statutes and rules, if dispositive, then jurisprudence, because jurisprudence will not add to non-ambiguous matters. [I rely on] jurisprudence because most statutes and rules are ambiguous, and jurisprudence is helpful to understanding the matter and is occasionally binding.’

Other respondents focused on their function as a decision maker. Thus, for example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, indicated that

I think it’s my job—I’m a trial court judge—I’m not an appeals court judge or Supreme Court Justice. I’m not making policy or procedure. I’m just applying it. If [the legislature] opined on it, they win. If it’s ambiguous, an appellate court will see [it]. I leave policy decisions to someone else unless it’s a matter of first impression.

Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, raised the tricky notion of equity.61 S/he said,

This is an issue of interest to me—the law versus equity in arbitration. It’s different in international matters because of [the role of] amiable compositeurs, but in the United States, arbitrators should follow the law and statutes and cases in common law (US) jurisdictions because they are the bases for law. They are the most important things. I also examine journals and scholarly works if parties cite them, and maybe I do some independent research.

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, did not differentiate between judicial and arbitral functions. Instead, s/he simply noted that the reason behind the relative importance of legal authorities was ‘to give legal guidance, the relevant guidance for issues’. Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that ‘I’m usually following a rule of law in arbitration because the proceeding is an alternative to litigation, so I rely on case law, sometimes statutory law’.

A number of individuals, particularly those with experience as arbitrators, focused on the principle of party autonomy. Thus, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said, ‘Inherent in what I’m saying is that the parties have the right by contract to choose the law that applies, and I respect the parties’ right and try my best to follow their choice’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, similarly stated that ‘when parties enter into a contract with an arbitration clause, I believe it’s their general understanding or their conscious or unconscious expectation that the [legal] environment affects their business expectations’.

2.  Method of reviewing legal authorities

Some authorities have criticized the role that third parties (such as law clerks in judicial proceedings and tribunal secretaries in some arbitral settings) play in the (p. 209) decision-making process, claiming alternatively that reliance on such individuals either constitutes an improper delegation of authority or breaches the principle of confidentiality.62 While most of the debate focuses on the third party’s role in drafting the reasoned decision or award, similar concerns can also be raised with respect to the third party’s role in researching and reviewing legal authorities.63 Therefore, the interview protocol asked several questions about the involvement of law clerks or assistants in the review of legal authorities before moving on to actions undertaken by the respondent him/herself.

a.  Law clerks and assistants

The first question in this series asked whether the respondent had a law clerk or assistant who read the legal authorities that the parties referred to in their submissions. Eleven of the 20 interviewees indicated that they did use or had at one time used a law clerk or assistant in some capacity. Three of the 11 individuals had never worked as judges, suggesting that the use of clerks or assistants is not exclusively tied to the judicial function. This latter conclusion is reinforced by the fact that, of the nine interviewees who indicated that they never used a law clerk or assistant to review legal authorities, four had experience as judges. Notably, two judge–arbitrators—Interviewee 11 and Interviewee 15—indicated that they used a law clerk or assistant when they were working as a judge, but not (or at least, in the case of Interviewee 15, ‘not often’) when they were working as an arbitrator.

Some interviewees interpreted the term or function of ‘law clerk or assistant’ relatively narrowly. For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, indicated that s/he did not have an assistant

in the sense of a US law clerk. Often, if I have a research assistant, I will ask them what they think and we will debate, but I do not have a law clerk like other arbitrators do (i.e. those in France or Switzerland). It’s more of a dialogue, because for me, the best way of understanding the law is if I have a debate. After that, I will have 100 per cent more understanding at the end.

Interview 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, also said that s/he did not have a law clerk or assistant per se, but ‘have sometimes had students/interns to help me. However, they don’t read legal authorities to the exclusion of my doing it.’ Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, also noted that s/he did ‘not usually’ have a law clerk or assistant, although ‘I have had trainees and lawyers’ assist at times.

Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, explained his/her rationale, stating,

Only a few people use assistants, and most are former judges. I seldom/never do. I had a case where the clause allowed it, but that that’s the only time I used a clerk/assistant.(p. 210)

I don’t use a clerk because that’s the reason we’re hired—our expertise. Also, that other individual has not done a conflicts check, which could taint the award. Third, unless it’s disclosed in advance, the parties expect the arbitrator to read [materials] and decide the award. Finally, the parties’ authority is the basis for my award, so I can ask them to brief an issue if I have to. My authorities are based on those authorities the parties give to me.

Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, had a similar reason for not using a law clerk or assistant, stating,

The decision is my decision—you can’t delegate the analysis to a clerk. You need to read the authorities to get the full flavour of the case. You do not need to read 100 per cent of cases; parties (typically in investment matters) quote too many cases to confirm the obvious. You don’t need that. In commercial matters, the parties are not elaborating much on unimportant things. I have a case where three authors are discussing a matter, and I must analyse it carefully—these legal arguments are very important.64

A number of respondents indicated that they did use law clerks or assistants. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, stated that

I always have someone. It depends on my instructions. In my procedural order/letter, I set forth the tasks of the legal secretary because I think it’s fair that the parties know what I am going to do. This applies to both commercial and investment proceedings. My clerk reads the authorities, and I read the important ones, too.

My overall view on delegation as arbitrator, especially as chair (because I usually chair) is that there should be no secret about it. I consider that I do not do a good job in large cases without help. I have armies of attorneys appearing in front of me, with voluminous and complex files. You can’t pretend you can do it all—you need help.

How you do it: it differs between arbitrators, but I should have intellectual control over proceedings and decisions. I do not need to write every procedural order or every part of the award, but I need to recognize the end item as my work product. In the international world, there’s a big debate about what secretaries can do. I saw these challenges coming and decided I need to be clear about where I do delegate—that’s how I drew up my standard letter. They agree or I withdraw.

(p. 211) As Interviewee 17 noted, judges and arbitrators use their law clerks and assistants in different ways. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that he has his/her law clerk read the authorities ‘to the extent my law clerks are not already familiar with the law’. Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the civil law tradition, said that his/her law clerk or assistant ‘reviews authorities and explores if all the authorities have been identified’.

Those respondents who indicated that they did use a law clerk or assistant were then asked to estimate the percentage of the legal authorities the clerk or assistant read in whole or in part, and how the determination was made for the clerk or assistant to read the authorities in full or in part. Two individuals—Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, and Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator—stated that their law clerks or assistants read all of the legal authorities, although Interviewee 11 noted that s/he only used a clerk or assistant when acting in a judicial capacity.

Somewhat worryingly, several respondents indicated that they did not know how many authorities their law clerks or assistants read or how the determination on what to read was made. For example, Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated ‘I don’t know. They did the work, I didn’t. If a brief had a hundred cases, I don’t know if they read all of them; lawyers cite the cases for standards we know or include unnecessary string cites.’ Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from a civil law background, simply said ‘I don’t know.’

Other respondents did not know the precise number of authorities read by the clerk or assistant, but had a standard review methodology in place. For example, Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator from the common law tradition, stated that ‘I don’t do an audit’, but also indicated that

we usually read at the same time—I skim to get an impression while s/he reads in parallel. I will then have a discussion with my associates; to save time, I’ll say ‘I know X & Y cases, so don’t read those cases, focus on P & Q instead’. That can focus the associates.

Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a civil law background, stated,

When the debate is about a key law under which all the other debate stems, they need to read that authority in its entirety—that is the starting point. For the other sources, [law clerks or assistants read] 30 to 50 per cent of the text. Normally, only 3 or 4 (10 per cent) of the total legal authorities are critical to read.

Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, said,

We get briefs, and there may be a hundred cites. Once we’ve gone through the response and reply, we find there’s two to three issues. If it’s a reasoned decision, I have a career (p. 212) clerk reading one to three key cases, a term clerk who’s reading them and I am reading them. If the [appellate court] has three cases, I need to figure out which of the three cases is key—other circuits are not at issue.

The next question involved the means by which a law clerk or assistant communicated with the judge or arbitrator regarding the content of the legal authorities s/he had read. The responses here were relatively idiosyncratic, which was consistent with the statement from Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, who indicated that ‘different people communicate in different ways. Usually [my clerks would communicate] through the draft opinion itself with parentheticals. If I questioned something, I’d look at that case—I couldn’t read all of them because I was in the court room.’ Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, said that s/he communicated with clerks through

a bench memo—it can be quite short. We have preliminary discussions before doing the bench memo. It depends in a way on how counsel refers to or relies on authority. Many times, they don’t discuss cases unless it’s a major point where the law is developing or is in controversy, but usually they footnote it and you see where the argument makes sense based on the way they explain the law in our situation. If you see a new perspective or question raised, then you focus on those points or cases.

It’s not realistic for a clerk to read all the cases. Counsel has a different role—they cite to a lot of authorities to give weight to their submissions and don’t know what I know [which means they need to include additional material to cover their bases]. Clerks make sure the cases are accurate for the proposition cited.

You read briefs in tandem—you read both sides’ briefs and see how much law is in dispute between the authorities. If there’s nothing in dispute, there’s no need to read the case.

Other respondents offered other insights. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from the civil law tradition, said s/he communicated ‘either through a written memorandum or face to face’, as did Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (at least when acting as a judge, which is the only time s/he used clerks). Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, said s/he communicated ‘generally orally’ with clerks and assistants, while Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, communicated by ‘highlighting cases, sticky notes’.

b.  Judges and arbitrators

The next question in this series asked whether the respondent personally read all of the legal authorities, in their entirety, that the parties referred to in their submissions. Only two respondents—Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, and Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a civil law background—said unequivocally that they read all the authorities in their entirety. (p. 213) The remainder of the responses showed varying degrees of personal attention to the legal authorities.65

Some individuals did not know their general practice or indicated that it varied from case to case,66 while others found it difficult to enunciate the how and why of their general practice. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, simply justified his/her method of dealing with legal authorities by saying ‘because it’s the correct approach’. Although more details were eventually provided through follow-up questions, the interchange with Interviewee 11 was somewhat tense, which could suggest that s/he was somewhat uneasy about detailed scrutiny of the decision-making process.67 Indeed, several other individuals commented at various parts of the exchange that they had never thought about some of the issues raised by the interview protocol.

Typically, respondents—including both judges and arbitrators—focused on items that they considered central to the dispute. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from the civil law tradition, said that ‘I personally read only those materials that are relevant to the case and only refer to the passages that are most relevant. For example, if the parties refer a 350-page award to me as authority, I will only read the portion referred to, not the full award.’68 Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition, similarly stated that

I read the material legal submissions, not all. For example, if there are string cites on basic issues, I don’t need to read all those or on matters that are uncontested.

For material, contested issues, I will read all items cited to me because it’s important to understand the relevant law. I also go beyond just reading quotes, since I was counsel for many years and I know it’s all about spin. Quoted materials do not give a full understanding of the cases. You would be a naïve arbitrator to believe only what’s quoted to you.

Other respondents took a different view regarding reliance on quoted material. For example, Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, said, ‘I look at all the authorities. Usually they’re submitted for a few quotes and I can’t read them all in their entirety, but I’ll usually read to check quotes.’

(p. 214) Several respondents focused on the concept of relevancy. For example, Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that s/he did not read all of the authorities, but that it ‘depends on the case. If [the parties] introduce authorities that have nothing to do with the case, I don’t read them. I read if relevant.’ Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, also read the legal authorities ‘to a varying degree’. For him/her, the most important criterion was also relevance to issues. For example, s/he said,

If it’s a contract case, with contract law, I may read the whole case because the reasoning there may help me with reasoning for my award.

When reading a brief, if a legal precept stands out, I’ll read that right away; it helps me to understand how to decide. If there are lots of cases, I peruse the headnotes to see how much more I should read. I will call it triage.

Other respondents used a similar type of ‘triage’ method. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated that s/he did not read all the legal authorities but focused on ‘the seminal/most important cases. I often read, print and [check the subsequent treatment of] the main cases. I will read the headnotes of the others if I think they’re tangential.’ Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, indicated that s/he read all the legal authorities ‘for the most part’, although ‘if I’m doubtful of content, I will read the abstract or legal summary to get an idea of the content. Otherwise I read them top to bottom.’

A number of respondents provided reasons why they did not read all of the legal authorities presented to them by counsel, either as part of their initial answer or in response to a follow-up question. Some of these rationales—such as relevancy or materiality—appear in the preceding paragraphs.69 However, other explanations also arose.

One factor that was mentioned by several respondents involved a pre-existing familiarity with the law in question. Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was among those who took this approach, stating s/he did ‘not always’ read all the legal authorities, although ‘I do sometimes, depending on if I know the law. If I know the law, I will not read the law.’ Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated ‘I’m usually familiar with them already. I can’t say I read from first word to last word of all authorities cited to me.’ Interviewee 11, another common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘as judge—yes, [I read the cases in full] unless they were boilerplate cases (like standard of review for motion to dismiss) or where I was particularly familiar with the principle. If the case was new, I read it in its entirety. As arbitrator—same.’ While this approach is in many ways alarming, since important nuances could exist in the unread materials, it is consistent (p. 215) with empirical research regarding overconfidence and egocentrism among judges and arbitrators.70

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, initially appeared to fall in this same category of respondents when s/he noted that ‘I don’t read all of the documents because it’s not necessary because usually I don’t need to read the case or doctrine to understand it’. However, Interviewee 16 also raised another important and potentially problematic reason why judges and arbitrators may limit their review of the materials, indicating that ‘sometimes, even if I read a second language, it’s hard to read the authorities in its entirety—I won’t spend all the time if I understand the basic holding’. Although Interviewee 16 was the only respondent who mentioned concerns about foreign languages, one would expect similar issues to arise with other judges and arbitrators operating in cross-border settings.

Linguistic fluency is not the only problem facing legal decision makers; time is another significant constraint. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that ‘there’s no time to read every case cited, and I bring lots of experience as a litigator, so I only want to update my knowledge. If it’s a new issue, I will read. Most are principles I’m familiar with already.’ Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that

I feel very comfortable in some areas that I know the law and the cases. I rely sometimes on parties’ extrapolations, but not always—if I have a question I go to the authorities.

Time is a factor. I do not write lengthy or scholarly awards—I am ‘medium’—I don’t believe the reasons people go to arbitration require 30, 40, 50 pages.71

Another rationale related to scheduling involved concerns about the sheer volume of submissions. For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, noted that s/he did not read the legal authorities in their entirety ‘because it’s impossible. I read in entirety the submissions that are relevant to deciding the issues. String citations—if the case is never discussed or questioned, I won’t read it. I will read those cases in dispute.’ Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly stated that

I wish I could [read everything]. I try to read as much as I can, but sometimes the volume is too great. I try to look at cited authority, and I will see if it matches the general principle of law that is asserted. If there’s a statute that’s integral to the decisive issue, I’ll always read those completely. With string cites, I glance at them.

(p. 216) String citations, meaning a series of judicial decisions or arbitral awards that all stand for the same proposition of law, were mentioned by several other respondents, typically in a negative light. For example, Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, said, ‘Too many [legal authorities] are string cited and irrelevant’. Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said, ‘Sixty per cent [of the legal authorities] I read in their entirety, 40 per cent I skim. Lawyers should give me the main case. String cites I will probably not read in whole.’ Interestingly, the coding exercise suggests that some decision makers, most notably US judges, may also use string citations in their writing.72

Another reason why some judges and arbitrators might not read the legal authorities in their entirety involved the nature of the dispute in question and in particular whether the dispute was likely to turn on the facts versus the law.73 For example, Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, stated that s/he ‘can’t give a percentage’ of the legal authorities read in full, although

I tend not to read authorities in full. In commercial arbitration, you get few cases with meaty questions of law, unlike when I was a judge. I also know a lot more now [since I’m more senior]—now I know when something sounds right. Unless the case is really major—if there are seven Supreme Court cases, I’m not going to read all of them.

Once you get into the civil law authorities, those are shorter and you need to read those in full. The way they lay out argument is different than in the common law. In the common law, you look for the decisive points. If it is an important case, counsel will point you to the part to read.74

Sometimes you read outside sources—I did that a lot as a judge, or got a clerk to do. If I do that as an arbitrator, I send back the case for review. As a judge, I used to play games with counsel—show the amount of learning [outside research] I had. Now, I’m very influenced by the ICC—I can’t let anything external influence my view without getting the parties’ opinions on those external authorities.

One individual—Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator—indicated that ‘to some extent, I depend on my law clerks to do research and to have familiarity with the cases. My law clerks are usually devoted to this field with considerable experience. That is why I have law clerks.’ This response of course raises questions about the appropriate delegation of authority, as previously discussed.75

(p. 217) Some respondents said that they preferred to read authorities themselves, regardless of the time and difficulty involved. For example, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator who noted that s/he read most of the legal authorities him/herself, stated that ‘I wish to be thorough and consider the issues the parties raise as relevant. I understand that there are times when the parties flail and don’t quite know what they are saying. Then I will scan abstracts to get an idea of the content.’

Finally, some respondents indicated a scepticism regarding the reliability of legal authorities presented to them. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he ‘read to know—I can’t trust what people write. I’ve often found citations that were misleading or incomplete. The parties were inappropriately creative with cases.’

3.  Time of reviewing legal authorities

The next question in this series focused on when the judge, arbitrator, or law/clerk assistant read legal authorities. This issue is important not only because concerns are occasionally raised about the extent to which individual judges and arbitrators are prepared for hearings, but also because the legal literature suggests that there are significant differences in practice across national and international lines as well as the common law–civil law divide. For example, advocates in international arbitration and civil law disputes are generally understood to provide neutrals with a great deal of written material prior to the hearing, whereas advocates in domestic common law do not.76

To reach this issue, interviewees were asked when they read legal authorities: before, during, or after the hearing. No pattern was discerned relating to differences between judges and arbitrators or between the internationality of the dispute or the decision maker’s home legal tradition, except to the extent the respondents indicated whether they were likely to receive pre-hearing submissions on the law.

Several respondents indicated that they read the legal authorities at all three times, for slightly different purposes. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said that s/he read the materials before, during, and after the hearing.

When precisely depends on the nature of the issue or my personal familiarity with the law. If the controlling law is [the law of my home jurisdiction], I may not read the authorities if I know the body of law well. There’s no pattern to my approach to reading legal authorities, though I try to be familiar with the legal principles. I’m often chosen as arbitrator because of my expertise in a particular body of law, so I feel the parties know what they’re getting.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, also noted that ‘I can read different authorities in all three phases’. S/he read legal authorities prior to the hearing ‘to be (p. 218) ready to ask questions’, during the hearing to ‘get context’ and after the hearing ‘because I’m writing the award’. Interviewee 19 further noted that, ‘in international commercial arbitration, when you read the memorials, there are a handful of cases that both parties cite in the body of their submissions, and I read those in full. Those cases that are just cited in the footnotes are typically extra, and I don’t read those.’ Most of the respondents who indicated that they read the legal authorities before, during, and after the hearing did so for reasons similar to Interviewees 4 and 19, although most individuals indicated an emphasis on reading the materials after the hearing, during the drafting of the reasoned decision or award.77

Another group of respondents said that they read the materials exclusively before or after the hearing, but not during the hearing.78 However, most appeared to read legal authorities both before and after the hearing, although the rationale varied somewhat.79 For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, indicated that his/her approach

is case-specific. If the hearing is primarily to hear witnesses, then the cases are not critical in advance; instead, I make sure to read the exhibits in advance.

If the hearing is primarily to question counsel during open and close—in other words, if I think the issues in the dispute will be legal, not factual—then I’ll read the cases in advance. However, if my sense of the memorials is that it’s a fact case, then I’ll double check the legal authorities when writing the award, but if counsel doesn’t disagree about the law, then I won’t waste time during the hearing to ask about the law. I aim to make hearings efficient.

In some cases, the decision depends on how the proceeding is structured, particularly with respect to whether and when the legal authorities are required to be submitted. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that s/he tended to review materials ‘after the hearing’ because ‘often I don’t receive legal authority briefings in advance of a hearing—I don’t require them. We cover if parties want to, but often they elect not to brief.’ However, Interviewee 5, another common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that

(p. 219)

if a brief is filed before, I’ll read the main cases before so that I can get context for the facts. Mostly I read after. Seventy-five per cent of cases have post-hearing briefs (the cases are of the size to need them), and 50 per cent of those have closing arguments and post-hearing briefs.

I do most of my research after the hearing. I deliberate with the panel immediately following and split up the legal issues and who should do what on each issue regarding research. After the briefs are filed, we meet again to see if we need to revise our research.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that s/he

probably [doesn’t] read authorities themselves before the hearing because it depends when the opening submissions are received. If I get them a month before, I will ask a clerk to do a preliminary review. If I get them a week before, then we’re racing to get our impression of the law on the facts.

In commercial cases, there are not that many burning questions of law. Most counsel focus on the facts, not the law—these are contract cases involving what the contract means and what happened and whether that was a breach. That needs knowledge of the whole framework. Everyone is scrambling to know the factual background and where the dispute lies. Once you know the facts, you can look at the law.

Some legal teams break up cases into facts and law—the first chair deals with the facts and a junior person deals with the law.

This concept of legal research and preparation versus factual research and preparation is discussed further below.80

Those respondents who focused on reading the materials prior to the hearing typically did so in order to contextualize the hearing. For example, Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that s/he read ‘normally, before, so I can go to the hearing knowing what you’re talking about, to understand the framework of the law’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, stated that s/he ‘never’ read the authorities during a hearing but instead read them ‘mostly before—I might come back to them after. I do not generally accept matters that have not been raised in advance. If something comes up in a hearing, I may go back and see it, but I will have already read the materials.’

Conversely, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that s/he read the authorities ‘most often, after [the hearing]; occasionally before. If a legal issue is in controversy and seems dispositive, I will read before’ the hearing. Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that ‘when it’s obvious that certain legal authorities are crucial, then I read them before so that I can ask directed questions at the hearing. When the authorities are not obvious, then I read them after the hearing.’

(p. 220) 4.  Independent legal research

One issue that is not well-covered in the legal literature involves the propriety of independent legal research by judges and arbitrators, including how such research is conducted.81 However, the concept of independent legal research—defined for purposes of both the interviews and the survey as anything other than reading the parties’ legal submissions—touches on a number of important jurisprudential debates.82

First, the question of independent legal research is related to debates about whether legal disputes should be considered public or private in nature. While the legal literature at one time confidently characterized litigation as a public dispute resolution mechanism and arbitration as ‘merely’ private (a characterization that often leads arbitration to be downgraded as less important),83 the line between the two has begun to blur. Not only can arbitration be framed as reflecting a variety of ‘public’ qualities, both within the area of treaty-based (investment) proceedings and within commercial proceedings, which increasingly touch on matters of regulatory concern,84 but questions have arisen as whether and to what extent litigation belongs to the parties as opposed to society as a whole.85

Another issue involves whether and to what extent independent legal research by judges and arbitrators affects procedural justice. These concerns are often framed in individual terms (i.e. the parties must be allowed to respond to any legal allegations relevant to the decision-making process) and thus resonate most clearly with those who view the resolution of a legal dispute as a private matter that is or should be controlled by the parties.86 However, some differences may appear across common law–civil law divide, both as a jurisprudential matter (i.e. questions relating to who ‘owns’ the dispute) and as a practical matter (i.e. structural opportunities for parties to respond to judicial activities).87

a.  Approach to independent legal research

This series began with a question about the kind of independent legal research interviewees conducted. Although the question triggered a variety of individual responses, no trend was discovered along any of the axes of inquiry (judicial–arbitral, (p. 221) domestic–international and common law–civil law). Instead, differences appeared to be generated as a result of different individual views about the role of a neutral.

To some extent, issues relating to independent legal research should not be exaggerated, since the amount of independent legal research that is being undertaken appears to be relatively minor, at least in most cases.88 For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated that the amount of independent legal research s/he conducted was

frankly, not much. Normally, I count on the parties to give me the authorities. I may [check for subsequent treatment] and see if the cited cases lead to anything and may read those. It’s appropriate for arbitrators to rely on the parties to identify the issues and have the parties give the authorities. If I think there’s something else, I ask for briefs.

Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, said that s/he undertook

generally, no [research] other than a dialogue with my colleagues. I don’t think it’s fair to do independent legal research. I had one case where our co-arbitrator said, ‘I’m troubled because both sides missed a key issue’ and gave the legal authority. It seemed he was right; the lawyers had ignored a key issue. We asked the parties the next day for further briefing.

That’s an exception to the general rule. A good arbitrator sticks with what the parties have provided. If you don’t, you should get the parties’ view. You should never write an opinion that’s not been fully mooted by the parties.

This is not to say that judges and arbitrators do not conduct independent legal research. Indeed, some respondents indicated a fairly robust approach. For example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, stated that

we do independent research on everything, [then] my career clerk, term clerk and I argue [about our findings]. My career clerk was a defence lawyer, I was a plaintiff’s lawyer, so we come from different perspectives. I have enormous respect for her—sometimes I do legal research to prove her wrong and vice versa. We do it to convince each other.

However, Interviewee 9 noted that his/her approach was unusual because ‘I have the luxury of time’, unlike many domestic judges in his/her home jurisdiction.

Interestingly, although arbitrators are often said to have more time (or at least more flexibility) than judges,89 one respondent indicated that many arbitrators actually (p. 222) operate under time constraints that are at least as pressing as those facing judges.90 While the arbitral community has been working to combat the problems associated with over-scheduled arbitrators, it would appear that more work needs to be done in this regard.91

As suggested, it appears that most differences in approach arise because of differences in how the judge or arbitrator perceives his/her function. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated that his/her research methodology ‘in court [was] whatever we thought was relevant or had bearing on the case. In arbitration, [I do] nothing unless I think there should be something else, then I bring the issue to the parties and ask them to comment.’ Interviewee 15, another common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated that s/he did no independent legal research as a judge because the court from which s/he came ‘is rich in law clerks (3 to 5 law clerks per judge). I don’t know what they did. I know my instructions were that they were not bound by the cases in the brief—they should find additional cases and should look for wide authority.’

Several respondents indicated that their approach to independent legal research depended on the quality of the submissions from the parties. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said,

If the parties are experienced counsel, then I do not look for more. If the papers suggest sloppiness or a mandatory issue that’s not fully briefed, then I may do some research on my own. However, if I find anything that would make a difference in the outcome, I bring it to the attention of counsel and ask for a comment. I’ve done that once or twice. It is rare but it can be done.

Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, similarly indicated that

I do as little as possible. I generally explain to the parties (not necessarily the attorneys) that it’s their attorney’s job to present authorities that are reliable. There may be a reason why the attorney does not present something. It’s not my job to be the advocate.

Sometimes when I’ve smelled an issue that needs to be investigated—especially if there’s an imbalance of power—the less sophisticated party may not know to mention (p. 223) something and the other party may try to keep me from noting. In those cases, I notice. It’s like a pro se defendant in court.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, adopted a similar technique, saying,

I adhere to the concept jura novit curia, so I will do research if I’m not satisfied by what the parties present or if I’m curious about something or don’t think the lawyers are very good. Quite often, I do legal research personally. Sometimes I have a younger lawyer do it, though it’s mostly me.

Although Interviewees 2, 10, and 16 all came from common law backgrounds, this approach was not limited to common law lawyers. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, noted that it

could be that I find parties have not well-covered a legal issue, then I ask an assistant to do research (or I do it myself). I do it because I’m not entirely confident in what parties put forward.

[However,] I rely mainly on parties’ reasoning. If I depart significantly from the parties’ position, then I allow a response. I follow the [US] Federal Rules of Civil Procedure regarding the determination of foreign law (Rule 44.1)—that inspires me.

Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator trained in the civil law, similarly stated,

Sometimes I ask my clerk to do specific research on specific issues. For the most part, parties submit so many materials that it is not necessary to go beyond that, but sometimes parties will argue something, like fraud, and I want to know about the issue in broader context so that I can understand the issues, even if I don’t discuss the research in my award.

The notion of what is discussed in the decision or award is covered later in this chapter.92

In some cases, independent legal research is not triggered by the quality of the parties’ submissions but by particular issues reflected therein. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated,

Something I read may remind me of another case that was not cited that I need to re-read to make sure my recollection is correct. I may read any time before or after a hearing. For example, it may appear after a hearing that a decision of another tribunal is more critical or relevant to the decision and I may need to read it more closely.

(p. 224) Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly noted that, ‘as a normal matter, I don’t do independent research’, but ‘occasionally after arguments, the legal research will lead to another case. If it’s significant, I give the parties a chance to comment. That’s happened only a few times in 25 to 30 years of sitting as an arbitrator.’

Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he conducts ‘legal research that arises because of parties’ briefs. For example, if I want to find out if the assertion in the briefing is correct, I don’t rely solely on parties’ submissions—they lead me to the core issues.’ However, ‘when doing research, I limit myself to the [home jurisdiction and] scope of arbitration.’

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he believed it appropriate to research

anything that hits you when you read the submissions. Maybe you’re reading and seeing an issue that’s not addressed. You do research any time you have an itch you need to scratch. You look into whether this claim gives rise to the relief they’re asking for—how do you get from point A (facts) to point B (relief).

A number of respondents indicated that they limited the scope of their research to background issues. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘I will occasionally go to law journals, not cases, if I’m not in an area that I’m familiar with. I do not research outside what the parties have briefed.’ Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly stated that, although the approach ‘varies from case to case’, typically, ‘if dipositive of the legal controversy, I may look at parties’ authorities but also authorities cited in those authorities. Maybe also a treatise if it will be helpful.’

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition, said,

I go look at treatises for general coverage of the issue. I do not ‘out-research’ counsel, though—I do not do my own research to see if they caught all the cases. However, in a recent case, one of my co-arbitrators happened to know of a case that was on point that the parties hadn’t cited, and in that case, we asked the parties to brief the issue involving that case.

Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the civil law tradition, indicated that in commercial proceedings,

normally the parties submit everything, but sometimes parties cite local law that might have a conflict of laws issue. Then we would ask the parties to give the tribunal their views under the conflict of laws rules.

Normally we frame the issue and give them page limits. They file simultaneous submissions and then allow a reply.

(p. 225) Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, stated,

When it is clear that a delicate legal problem will arise and is crucial to the dispute, I insist the parties submit their conclusions, and I invite specific analysis on certain issues from the parties. After the hearing, arbitrators should not do legal research because you have to submit the issue to the parties and re-open the hearing, since the parties need to respond. Arbitrators must ask parties to both address new points.

As these excerpts make clear, most arbitrators, particularly those in the international realm, believe that parties should be allowed the opportunity to respond to independent legal research as a matter of procedural justice, a conclusion that was borne out by the survey data.93 Judges do not necessarily follow the same approach, which may suggest an important difference between litigation and arbitration.

Those interviewees who did not indicate their rationale in their initial response were asked to explain their approach in a follow-up question. The responses again split primarily along philosophical lines rather than in accordance with the respondent’s function or training. Thus, a number of individuals characterized legal disputes as ‘belonging’ to the parties.94 As Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said,

It’s the parties’ case—they’ve raised and vetted the issues before the hearing. Weak issues have been dismissed or I say they won’t fly. I don’t want to come out of left field on anything. If I come up with something, I ask the parties to brief the issue further.

I like to say my arbitrations are ‘cooperative’. I think it’s important that the parties get involved in the process; they need to see the language in the procedural order in advance, they have to have input into discovery, etc. The benefit of arbitration is its flexibility, and the parties need to be part of that process so the outcome has their input and their buy-in into the process.

Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator who said s/he did relatively little independent research, adopted that methodology because ‘I admire and appreciate good advocacy. I enjoy hearing and reading argument that incorporates legal principles. I’m often brought in because I’m familiar with the principles of law, and most of the principles are not new, though I enjoy things that are new’. Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator who also rarely did any independent legal research, justified his/her actions on the grounds that ‘I don’t want to bring in theories or arguments not introduced by parties or even be influenced by those’.

Other respondents recognized the centrality of the parties to the dispute-resolution process, although they specifically noted that they did not entirely abandon their independent judgment. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated, ‘I believe you allow the parties to put on the case (p. 226) in litigation and arbitration. In general, unless an injustice will be done, you allow parties to conduct their cases’. Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, justified his/her approach on similar grounds, indicating that ‘it’s an adversarial process—counsel argues their case and we consider what they think is important. However, if I know of something or find something else that’s relevant, I bring it to the attention of the parties.’

Other respondents justified independent legal research by pointing to the need to decide the outcome properly as a matter of law.95 Often these individuals exhibited a certain amount of scepticism about the quality or motivation of counsel. For example, Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘the parties are advocates and only cite helpful authorities. The court should look beyond those authorities.’96 Interviewee 13, also a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that s/he conducts independent legal research ‘because arguments in parties’ submissions are self-serving, and I want to find out if the argument—not just cases—is correct’. In particular, Interviewee 13 wanted to know ‘if there is a black letter, new approach to cases [affecting] the theory of the case’. Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that s/he conducted independent legal research ‘because I want to be sure that I have the right law, and sometimes one or both parties do not give me the right authorities’.

Two of the responses demonstrated the power of acculturation and of institutional control over judicial and arbitral practice.97 On the one hand, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, indicated that the approach s/he used ‘was taught to me when I was clerking’. Legal clerkships provide a powerful and enduring means of conveying professional norms and conventions, as discussed later in this chapter.98 Conversely, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, stated that s/he adopted a hands-off policy in arbitration

because the AAA wants me to do that. I disagree, but I do it. I think that is unnecessary because, as in a court case, counsel has the burden to tell (identify) what’s relevant. If the court/arbitrator does their job for counsel, you should be able to rely on what you find.

This statement suggests that judicial and arbitral institutions can do a great deal to shape the behaviour of neutrals, for good or for ill, a point that reinforces the importance of judicial and arbitral education. Both the interview and survey instruments considered matters relating to professional education, even though the subject is seldom discussed in the scholarly literature.99

(p. 227) b.  Response to independent legal research

The next question in this series asked whether the interviewee provided the parties with an opportunity to respond to the results of any independent legal research conducted by individual in question. This question was also included in the survey.100

Several individuals responded with an unqualified ‘no’101 while other individuals provided a categorical ‘yes’,102 reflecting a similar division in the survey data.103 Several people indicated that they sometimes allowed a response. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, said,

It depends. If it is before or during the hearing, I’m likely to ask parties about it. If it’s after the hearing and we’re in deliberations, the answer is no (and it happens if parties do not refer to relevant decisions). Sometimes other cases are decided after the case we’ve heard, and the tribunal will allow parties to make written submissions on the other cases.

Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, said,

Rarely, but we have. If we have questions, we email the parties, which is odd for a judge. [In a recent] non-commercial case, I said, ‘I found this, can you tell me the parties’ positions’. We have a faster discussion [via email]—I ask for a 24-hour turnaround. This isn’t easy—we’re trying to do what’s right.

Rarely do I give an opportunity to respond because rarely do the lawyers miss anything. Good lawyers usually pinpoint the key issue—it’s not like they miss the key case—so rarely do we come up with something new. If we do come up with something new, they’re wonderful litigators, and I feel we should continue the conversation with them.

Respondents were subsequently asked why they adopted their particular approach. The rationales varied significantly, with some—such as that enunciated by Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator who said ‘to make sure I haven’t missed anything’—demonstrating a laudable humility. Other responses—such as that enunciated by Interviewee 15, also a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, who said, ‘I’m not in the habit of testing my opinions through counsel’—suggested a high degree of confidence in their own abilities, a phenomenon that is often discussed with concern in the legal literature.104

(p. 228) Other individuals indicated that they do not allow parties to respond to independent legal research ‘because I stay within the confines of what the parties have cited or within what they’ve cited, so they’re on notice’, as Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator stated. Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator who typically does not allow the parties to respond, noted that ‘I’m mindful of the limits to jura novit curia. Usually my research is in areas already raised by the parties—I’m just getting additional authorities.’ However, Interviewee 16 also noted that s/he adopted this approach, at least in part, because of timing considerations, since the issue typically arose ‘fairly late in the process.’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, also mentioned concerns about timing, stating that ‘I don’t recall if I’ve had to because it’s a rare thing, and usually it’s something I’ve picked up late, when the hearings may be closed. It’s rare that this happens.’

Those who allowed parties to respond to independent legal research primarily did so to comply with procedural justice, a rationale that was also popular in the survey.105 For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he permitted party input ‘to ensure fairness to parties—due process’.106 Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said, ‘I think it’s fair—it’s the parties’ proceeding. [Furthermore,] colleagues in practice say they hate awards [that include] something the parties didn’t raise.’

Notably, this practice crossed over the common law–civil law divide. While Interviewees 6 and 8 were trained in the common law, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from the civil law tradition, adopted a similar approach

because you should never base the reasoning of the award on arguments that the parties have not argued (i.e. a new theory)—that would be a breach of due process. You always base your decision on the parties’ arguments, and if they don’t have a good point, you handle it at the hearing. There’s no need to raise the issue afterwards if you handle it during the hearing. If you think there’s a more appropriate theory (and it depends on the legal culture in question), then you raise it at the hearing. The Swiss do it necessarily; I do not usually do it. Instead, I usually rely on what the parties argue.

5.  Citation of legal authorities

The next series of questions focused on the purpose and practice of citing legal authorities in reasoned decisions or awards, an issue that is often ignored in scholarly commentary.107 The survey also included questions about citation of legal authorities,108 but it was hoped that the interview responses would provide additional illumination on these important issues.

(p. 229) a.  Reason for legal citations

The first question in this series asked interviewees why they cited legal authority in a reasoned decision or award. Several respondents—both judges and arbitrators operating in a variety of legal settings—indicated that legal citation was necessary to demonstrate that the outcome of the dispute was not purely arbitrary. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, said s/he used legal citations ‘to substantiate my decision, to show it’s based on the law and not a whimsical idea of mine’. Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator also from the civil law tradition, similarly stated,

You must apply the law, so you must cite the law that the parties have invoked. You must base your decision on the law and you must meet the arguments of the parties.

For example, both parties may invoke a legal decision and give different interpretations. You must enter into this debate. It is an important decision regarding the application of the law to the issue, and you must address that controversy and reach a conclusion on the issue.

Although Interviewees 3 and 17 were both trained in the civil law, their approach was very similar to that adopted by respondents from common law countries.109 For example, Interviewee 15, a domestic judge–arbitrator with common law training, noted that s/he used legal citations ‘to show that the decision respects and abides by the law. You need to show that you haven’t made up the law out of whole cloth but are establishing legal principles.’ Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said s/he used legal citations ‘mainly to show parties what my thinking is based on—[that the decision or award is] not just my personal theory on how to work out’ the dispute.

Other respondents provided multiple reasons for the use of legal citations. Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, noted,

It goes back to [the first question of the interview]. One, to assure parties that my decision was not knee-jerk sympathy but a true assessment of applicable law, you need to ‘show your work’. Two, there’s a possibility that the award may be reviewed, and mandatory law may be relevant.

(p. 230) Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, also identified two key factors, although in his/her case, they were ‘to reinforce the authority of our decision and therewith its potential acceptance by the parties’.

Some respondents focused on process considerations. For example, Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, said that s/he cited legal authority

because usually a legal conclusion requires a number of steps—you climb them in order. You must advance a proposition and if it’s not needed or self-indulgent, you must show that this is the proposition and these are the authorities—no need to explain them in depth unless one side doesn’t accept the case or proposition.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that legal citations were necessary ‘both to sustain legal points/analyses I’m making and to provide a further framework for the decision. It seems perfectly normal in judicial and quasi-judicial decisions. I think the arbitral role is quasi-judicial, even if it is private.’ Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, also noted this concept of a framework, and provided three reasons for legal citations:

One, if it’s been cited to me as a framework they want me to follow.

Two, if it’s a helpful framework, it helps me analyse facts in light of law.

Three, I view my responsibility to protect the award—I do not want to give either party a way to overturn the award.

Not everyone took the view that legal citations were necessary or wise. For example, Interviewee 11, a domestic judge–arbitrator from the common law tradition, said,

I will do [include legal citations] if the conclusion needs more weight, but I avoid doing it excessively because there’s then the argument that you’re not following legal authority. Arbitrators need not do conclusions of law unless that’s specified by the parties, so I use citations as little as possible. Most commercial cases are breach of contract, which is not usually a very convoluted road map.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, was also influenced by the nature of commercial disputes and identified ‘three possible reasons’ for including legal citations:

First, the parties have cited something in a compelling manner—there are a handful of cases that are compelling. Second, citations add weight to the outcome if the outcome turns on law. Third, I think about the reviewing court—the court will expect to see case law when reviewing the award.

I have issued several awards with no authority because the dispute turned on the facts. I see no reason to cite a case to say, ‘the contract has been breached’.

(p. 231) Interviewee 12, a domestic judge–arbitrator, also adopted this technique, noting that ‘sometimes precedent can be determinative of an issue, and in those cases, if I’ve had to interpret a case, they need to understand my interpretation, but my awards are not laden with citation. Usually I’m more focused on the facts.’ Questions about fact citation and analysis (i.e. evidentiary matters) are discussed later in this chapter.110

A few respondents suggested that the decision whether to include legal citations in a reasoned decision or award turned on the parties’ expectations or how the parties have argued the case. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that s/he cited legal authority ‘because my audience expects me to cite’ those materials. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, similarly noted that s/he used legal citations ‘only in matters in which the parties have made the background circumstances important [or] when I’m distinguishing a case or saying, “I’m not guided by” something’. Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly limited the number of legal citations s/he used, noting that

I don’t cite too much—only when it’s crucial, meaning when there is no other way to solve an issue. If I have one party saying a point is black and the other party saying it is white, then I have to issue a decision that decides the opposing positions.

Only one respondent, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, referred to structural rationales, stating that ‘the foundation of the judiciary is that there’s precedent. I want businesses to know that if you play by the rules, you win. Citing precedent that controls behaviour reaffirms the lesson to play by the rules.’ One respondent—Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator—focused on more individual concerns, noting that s/he cited legal authority ‘to be sure I’ve gotten the correct answer—to check myself’, although s/he also used legal citations ‘to give the parties some assurance that the award complies with applicable norms; that the arbitrators are not merely deciding according to their gut’.

b.  Frequency of legal citations

Some of the answers to the preceding question indicated how frequently individual respondents cited legal authorities. However, the next question in this series dug deeper on that issue, asking interviewees to identify how often they discussed a legal authority or legal principle in depth in a reasoned decision or award as opposed to merely in passing. This issue, which was also raised in the survey111 and was objectively evaluated in the coding exercise,112 did not generate any clear differences among interviewees along any of the three axes of comparison.

(p. 232) Although a few respondents attempted to describe their citation practice in terms of a percentage,113 several indicated that they could not provide specific numbers.114 However, most respondents indicated that they rarely or infrequently went into depth when citing legal authorities, although exceptions were made in appropriate circumstances.115 Respondents demonstrated a particular dislike of string citations, both in submissions from advocates and in reasoned decisions and awards.116

Individual answers provided useful insights into judicial and arbitral practices. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said s/he cited legal authorities ‘in depth infrequently, only [undertaking a detailed analysis] if it’s a major focus of contention between the parties’. Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator trained in the common law, indicated that ‘there’s no need for string cites or to refer to all cases, but certainly if there’s a statutory element or I’m answering questions of law, I show my work’.

Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, provided another reason for going into depth with a particular analysis, indicating,

If the legal opinion was out of line with the parties’ position, I explain why. If it’s not, I simply say Jones v Smith and give a footnote. I think each case is unique, so it’s difficult to give a one-size-fits-all answer. It depends on the case/witness and how much the case relies on legal authorities versus credibility of witnesses and exhibits.

Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, showed how formalistic considerations about the placement of citations (in footnotes or in the body of the text) dovetailed with substantive concerns. S/he indicated that the approach

depends [on the nature of the dispute]. In some cases, the key point depends on a debate between the legal authorities—then you must discuss those decisions in detail. Normally, unless you need that, I quote certain parties of decisions and in the footnotes send the parties to the rest of the decision.

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, also discussed how the varying nature of the dispute can affect the citation process, saying his/her approach

depends on the case and legal issues. It can happen that part of the case turns on the application of some legal authorities—then I go into depth.(p. 233)

How often? Hard to say. It happens more in investment than commercial [arbitration] because the state of development of investment cases. Investment law is less developed than national commercial law. So, 25 to 30 per cent of the cases, maybe, maybe more.

Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the common law tradition, indicated a connection between the frequency and depth of legal citations to the frequency of ‘unique principles of law. I probably do this in less than half my cases because most cases don’t turn on matters of law; most cases turn on determining what the facts are and how to apply them.’ Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was one of the few that said s/he cited legal authorities ‘often in great depth’, although s/he recognized that ‘every claim is different. Your discussion may require great depth and distinguishing because the parties relied on the wrong principle. Neutrals often need to be attuned to facts more because the legal authority is applicable. I also often distinguish because of facts.’

The need to vary one’s approach was echoed by Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, who stated, ‘In depth only when it’s necessary. If you have a case from a higher court and your facts are a little different, you indicate what the court said and confirm that in our case, the same would apply.’ Interviewee 8, another international judge–arbitrator, similarly noted that the frequency and depth of legal citation ‘depends on the degree of relevance of the cited decision to the decision the tribunal is making. It could be choosing between conflicting decisions of other tribunals which makes it more important to deal with such a decision.’ Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, adopted an analogous approach, indicating that ‘there have been some instances where the parties debate an issue and then I discuss it in depth if parties disagree on the meaning of the case. In other cases, it doesn’t matter.’

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, also indicated that the frequency of citation ‘depends on how pivotal the legal authority is’. However, s/he went on to say that, ‘unlike with judicial opinions, I don’t routinely discuss cases in depth. Why? Because an award is not precedential, others will not read’ it.

This emphasis on structural issues was echoed by Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, who said,

In a real reasoned decision, we do it every time. If there’s that level of dispute, there’s something that needs to be discussed. I seldom see time wasted on [irrelevancies]—it’s too expensive. If they’ve put their faith in our judiciary, the least I can do is explain my position about those conflicting cases.

Some might read these two statements as reflecting the superior nature of judicial decisions. However, not all judicial decisions are fully reasoned, as Interviewee 9 noted. Instead, many judges deal with disputes that turn only on the facts or on the application of existing law, both matters that generate no precedents, even in common law jurisdictions, and the interview protocol indicated the focus of this study was (p. 234) exclusively on reasoned decisions.117 Furthermore, only a proportion of judicial decisions are reported, and of those that are reported, the vast majority are appellate in nature.118 First-instance matters that are reported tend to be decided on motion rather than on the merits.119

Those respondents who did not discuss the rationales behind their individual approaches as part of the preceding question were asked in a follow-up to describe what drives their decisions about whether to discuss a particular legal authority, either in passing or in detail. The answers here largely tracked those in the preceding paragraphs. For example, as Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said,

If the threshold on arbitrability is hotly contested, it would not do to use a deus ex machina approach—you need to unpack the arguments, look at all decisions and say why a certain line of cases is persuasive. If there’s a material impact on the outcome, then you discuss the law. [However,] applying uncontroversial legal principles is simple—then you cite cases in passing, although you may need to go into depth on facts.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, echoed a view held by several respondents,120 noting that ‘I discuss something in depth because I have to describe and explain why an authority affects the outcome, or I have to distinguish that authority’. Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that ‘I try to evaluate which issue is dispositive, then cite legal authorities relating to the most important issues. Therefore, I cite in more detail the authorities applying to those most important issues.’ Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly indicated that ‘I normally … use authority to identify the principle I’m applying. I do not parse the underlying facts or authorities in the authority in my award.’

6.  Advice from judges and arbitrators to counsel regarding legal authorities

The final question in this series asked respondents to describe what they wished parties and counsel knew about how judges and arbitrators approach legal authority. Although some individuals had no particular advice, most did. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, said, ‘I wish they’d understand why we do what we do with such authority.’ However, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, made an important point when s/he said, ‘We judges all do it differently. No one is right or wrong—we’re humans and knowing your judge is really important. We want to be affirmed—we all want to do what’s legally correct.’ Interviewee 6, (p. 235) a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, made the same point from the arbitral perspective, stating, ‘There are variances between arbitrators in terms of how they approach matters. When choosing an arbitrator, look into these issues as part of due diligence.’121

One of the most common responses involved excessive citation by parties to legal authorities that were not central to the case.122 Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, said that counsel ‘should focus on key legal authorities. It’s counterproductive to say, “here are 16 cases to consider” because the panel will not have a good discussion of all 16. It’s better to focus on two.’ Interviewee 2, another international arbitrator, similarly stated that ‘where issues are not contested, you do not need to run down every last authority. I often see the first ten pages discussing uncontroversial issues. You need to focus on what’s in dispute and make that comprehensible.’

Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a common law background, had two related suggestions, saying, ‘One: arguments about fly specking differences in terminology in different awards and cases is not terribly helpful. Two: giving me lots of reading about items not in controversy is a waste of time and money—your money’. This advice crossed the common law–civil law divide, as noted by the response from Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a civil law background, who indicated,

It would be good if parties identified legal authorities that are truly relevant. There’s a tendency to cite everything that’s remotely relevant. You need to focus on the relevant points.

In the past, I have asked parties to argue the first round, then, before the second round of submissions, we have a preliminary case hearing where the tribunal will discuss what will be the scope of the second round and what legal issues they want to hear more about. If you guide the parties like this, it will be more focused on legal issues, not throwing out every case of the last 20 years.

This is not to say that judges and arbitrators did not want in-depth discussion of appropriate authorities. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

Where the legal principle is clear, present it as clearly as it is—do not take well-established principles and fight over them. However, where the principles are in conflict, I’d like parties to address the issue and say why a particular principle is more significant. If there’s doubt on the principle at issue, then the parties also need to address that. [Some disputes] need good, clear legal advocacy based on a complicated area of law that is in flux.

(p. 236) How one refers to authority is also important as a matter of both form and function. For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, noted that ‘when [counsel] discuss cases, they should look at the facts. It’s most disconcerting when parties cite a case with a couple words and don’t look at the context. Words have significance only in context. I had a professor who said, “You get the facts or the facts get you.”’ Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted the need to be even-handed in presenting materials, stating that ‘in [national] court, you need to present contrary authorities as party of your ethical duties, and I wish parties in arbitration knew that and did that’.

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, focused on the form of legal citations, noting,

If you cite something, include a quote or jump cite. If you just say a case stands for proposition X, I can’t be sure. A quote or jump cite makes it easier to confirm.

Counsel submissions are only useful if they’re persuasive, and as counsel you write to make the arbitrator’s life easy. To be assured that you’re correctly interpreting law, provide information for the arbitrators to check. Don’t assume arbitrators take your spin at face value.

Several other individuals made similar statements. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that it was important for counsel to know ‘that we do check the propositions for which they’re being cited, so they shouldn’t try to misguide the court or the arbitrator’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said the most important tip was ‘don’t baffle me with BS [bullshit]. Tell me why something is relevant. I like highlighting to show me the relevance, but don’t try to trick me. Don’t make me work for it unnecessarily.’

Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, wanted counsel to know ‘that they can’t hide. So many cites are not on point and are distinguishable—the lawyers think we’ll miss it.’ Furthermore, as Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted,

I bring my experience from the bench [and bar]. I was an arbitrator at the same time I was a litigator, and I bring the practical experience from that. I wish parties knew I could see through mis-citations and overstatements. More candour from the parties would be good because I can read through BS.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, provided additional insights on these issues. His/her suggestions were:

First, to make things user-friendly to the arbitrator. String cites without explaining why you’ve introduced things is not user-friendly.

Second, to realize that the arbitrator is trying to solve a problem. This goes to both arguments and citations of authorities. If the authorities don’t help solve the dispute, (p. 237) they don’t help the arbitrator. A brief with lots of citations is elegant but doesn’t necessarily help the arbitrator.

Respondents identified a number of different reasons why counsel had problems with legal citation. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, believed that ‘inexperienced or new lawyers get overbroad when applying the law to the facts or don’t know the difference between a holding and dicta’. Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, thought that it can be ‘tough because counsel can’t assume that all three members of the panel are equally familiar with the law, especially if they are not all from the same jurisdiction. [As a result, counsel] must aim [their legal analysis] at the lowest common denominator.’

C.  Factual Authorities (Evidence)

Most academic and practical analysis of judicial and arbitral decision making focuses on legal authorities, providing little insight into the role that factual authorities (evidence) play in legal determinations.123 However, as seen from the preceding paragraphs, judges and arbitrators routinely emphasize the central importance of facts to the commercial decision-making process.124 Therefore, the interview protocol asked a series of questions about evidentiary matters, intentionally paralleling the inquiries made regarding legal authorities to allow for comparisons across the legal-evidentiary divide. Many of these matters were also addressed in the survey.125

1.  Relative importance of evidence

The first question in this series asked respondents to identify the types of evidence (party-generated documents, third-party generated documents, testimony, etc.) they found most persuasive. Although this question tracked a similar question relating to legal authorities, the situation was slightly different because most jurisdictions do not have a formal hierarchy relating to the persuasiveness of evidence and issues relating to the comparative persuasiveness of evidence are seldom discussed in the legal literature or in legal education.126 The situation is exacerbated by the fact that many civil law jurisdictions do not have formal rules of evidence, let alone hierarchies of persuasiveness.127

These factors suggest that the concept of priority and persuasiveness in evidentiary matters would be much more open to individual interpretation than priority and (p. 238) persuasiveness in legal matters. However, as the following paragraphs suggest, variation between interviewees, particularly between those acting as judges and those acting as arbitrators, is not as significant as one might expect.

For example, when asked to identify the type of evidence that they found most persuasive, several respondents immediately pointed to the governing contract. Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that ‘in a contract dispute, the contract is controlling. Written documents are more important than parole evidence. If the contract is not ambiguous, that’s the end of the matter. Only if the contract is ambiguous do I need to look at collateral documents.’ Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, similarly stated that it ‘depends on the case. If it’s a contract dispute, their contract will mean the world—we’ll have almost no case law in dispute. It all depends on the commercial context.’

Once the discussion moves past the importance of the governing contract, the standard assumption, based on scholarly commentary, is that common law lawyers will be more persuaded by oral testimony, while civil law lawyers are expected to be more persuaded by documents.128 Lawyers involved in international commercial arbitration are said to exist somewhere in the middle of the two traditions as a result of the purposive blending of common law and civil law procedures in international arbitration.129

As it turns out, there is a distinction between those who prefer testamentary evidence and those who prefer documentary evidence, but the split does not appear to occur over the common law–civil law divide. Instead, the issue appears to be much more a matter of personal preference.

While this phenomenon could be affected by the fact that the civil law representatives in this study tended to be internationalists rather than pure domestic experts, conclusions about the individualized nature of evidentiary hierarchies are supported by the fact that several respondents from the common law tradition indicated that they relied more on documents rather than testimony,130 particularly when the documents were created at the time the dispute arose.131 Thus, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the common law tradition, said that, ‘where applicable, documents are more persuasive than oral testimony to prove something. Oral testimony is helpful if it is an admission against interest. No view [distinction] between party and third-party documents—varies by situation.’

Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, adopted an analogous approach, stating,

(p. 239)

I guess the core contract documents of course are persuasive or important. I also have found more and more evidence (a large percentage) are emails because those are contemporaneous and are therefore persuasive.

I listen to testimony from a credibility standpoint, but witnesses are well-prepared before hearings. Letters, emails, texts are all contemporaneous and therefore important.

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition, offered a similar view, stating,

It all depends on the case. Contemporaneous evidence is more compelling than after-the-fact evidence created with an eye toward litigation. Of course, there are cases where the spin is going on in contemporaneous documents as well.

Sometimes you have no documents on an issue—then witness recollection is key.

I have problems with over-lawyered witness statements.132 When the witness is on the stand, there’s a great deal of variation, so witness examination is an important part of any case if the case turns on witness recollection. As a result, I’m troubled by excusing of witnesses on cross-examination, since it does a disservice to the tribunal, who can’t decide credibility issues. I therefore like live testimony, although not necessarily live direct.

Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator with a common law background, stated that

it’s always true that actual documentation which is contemporaneous with events that are at the core of the dispute are the most persuasive. This includes contemporaneous notes, because what people do and say at the time something happens is most persuasive.

Beyond that, live testimony tested by cross-examination of witnesses in the hearing so that you can develop your own impression of their credibility (meaning fact not expert witnesses).

I do not subscribe to the civil law view that any individual who participated in the events in issue (for example, an employee or a director) are to be given no credence whatsoever. I have had civil law-trained lawyers say more than once that ‘I don’t believe witnesses because they’re lying’. I asked a colleague why he rejected testimony, and he said that we’d never ask a person to choose between the truth and his/her employer.

Contrary to Interviewee 8’s experience, some civil law-trained respondents did not reflect a preference for documentary evidence. For example, Interviewee 18, an (p. 240) international judge–arbitrator with a civilian background, indicated that ‘it’s hard to identify a distinct hierarchy. Witnesses can be useful because they give flavour of the time frame that’s important. Correspondence can be useful, though, because it can show how a dispute has arisen.’

Other respondents from the civil law tradition indicated a respect for documentary evidence, but not to the exclusion of testamentary evidence. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator with a civil law background, said the persuasiveness of evidence

depends on the case. Some cases can be decided only on the documents. In most cases, documents are most persuasive, since they are drafted in non-suspect circumstances. Normally documents are the best evidence.

For testimony—it depends on the witness. There are different types of witnesses. Some are very open and very good. Others are reticent and don’t want to answer, and then you have the witnesses who lie. Witness statements are very important, especially if all parties agree or there is a statement by a witness against their own interest.

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, similarly said that

I am persuaded more by fact-contemporaneous documents that can be entered by parties or third parties. Testimony maybe less. However, I find oral and written testimony (especially oral) often very helpful because it gives colour to what was until then grey. I often understand much better what has happened by listening to witnesses. I don’t always understand the underlying issues, and oral testimony allows that.

Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator with civil law training, described the rationales underlying his/her approach, noting a preference

normally [for] contemporary documents—they best speak to what happened at the time. Then witnesses could be second, but the problem there is that lots of study on the psychology of witnesses shows that their recollection is often not correct (false memories, etc.), which is why contemporaneous documents are better.

Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, also indicated that

credibility is key. One tip I’ve learned is that I have developed a sixth sense on what a witness is really testifying to.133 For example, a case where every time a witness was asked about an event, he said, ‘Can you repeat that?’—that happened ten times. That’s (p. 241) an example of less credibility than someone who answered easily—this was someone who wanted to gain time.

Some respondents were unable to provide a general rule of practice.134 For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

I don’t know if there’s any single type. I am relatively open to all sorts of evidence, but I am a common law-trained trial lawyer with many years working under the rules of evidence, so if there is documentary evidence that has not had a foundation established and if it contains multiple layers of hearsay that has not been corroborated or authenticated elsewhere, it is often less significant for me.

I believe in the value of cross examination, so I find live testimony very valuable in all ways. However, I believe I do not overweigh any type of evidence, including expert testimony. I think I’m reasonably open and reasonably cynical about different types of evidence.

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a common law background, followed a similar hierarchy, preferring ‘testimony first—usually fact testimony; documents follow; expert testimony (I have a lot of those) third most important’. Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, said it

depends on context. I have had cases where testimony decided the matter—for example, a witness contradicted himself and showed that one side’s case was hopeless. I’ve had other cases where a letter has been produced and showed one side was acting not in good faith. An expert sometimes will be helpful, but mostly on damages.

Those individuals who did not explain their methodology in their initial answers were asked to explain the motivation for their particular approach in a follow-up question. The responses were consistent with those indicated above. For example, numerous respondents were concerned about fabrication of testimony after the dispute arose. Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that ‘contemporaneous documents are often not generated with litigation in mind (although they sometimes are). Oral testimony is always litigation-oriented and has a point of view. Often it has material omissions.’ Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, drew an analogy between judicial and arbitral procedure, saying, ‘The documents I’m seeing are usually generated in the ordinary course of business—the parties are not in CYA [cover your ass] mode. Just as those items have more power in litigation, they have more power here.’

Those with judicial experience enunciated similar views. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said contemporaneous documents were (p. 242) persuasive ‘because those documents reflect the thinking of the person at the time they were written, not six months or a year later’. Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, believed ‘documents created at the time of events, when generally speaking the dispute has not yet crystallized and we are not in litigation, are more persuasive’.

Some respondents prioritized testimony over documents. For example, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said that ‘the percipient witness and their credibility is important to relevant facts. Documents don’t always speak for themselves. They’re secondary because they’re only helpful with testimony, [which] can put documents in context.’ Interviewee 6 indicated that s/he did not give much value to expert testimony in particular because ‘people don’t know how to use [experts] in arbitration. They’re usually there as third attorneys, not to answer questions.’

Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, had an interesting response, saying that s/he was ‘quite broad in what I allow in. For example, I say I’ll admit a phone book if they want to submit it so that no one feels I haven’t taken it in and considered it, even if I don’t think it’s worth considering.’

2.  Method of reviewing evidence

The next series of questions focused on how judges and arbitrators reviewed the evidence submitted to them. These questions were in many ways similar to those relating to legal authorities and to questions included in the survey.135

a.  Law clerks and assistants

Although earlier questions revealed that very few respondents actually used a law clerk or assistant,136 the interview protocol (which was established prior to the first interview and standardized so as to comply with best practices in social science research) included a question asking the interviewee to indicate what percentage of the evidentiary documents submitted by the parties were read by the respondent’s law clerk or assistant in whole or in part. Of the 20 interviewees, four indicated that they used law clerks or assistants to review evidentiary materials.

Interestingly, these four interviewees relied significantly, if not exclusively, on the evidentiary reviews conducted by their law clerks or assistants. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that, ‘as a judge—my clerk read. I didn’t read very many’ documents, while Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that, ‘as a judge, [I read] only key documents’. Similar techniques were used by Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator from the common law tradition, who said, ‘My clerk reads everything that comes in,’ and Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, who indicated that ‘[t]he assistant looks at everything. What I look at depends on the case.’

Interestingly, all four respondents worked as judges, either in common law or civil law jurisdictions, which could suggest that arbitrators are more ‘hands-on’ (p. 243) than judges with respect to evidence in commercial disputes. While one of the four respondents—Interviewee 15—justified having his/her clerk read the bulk of the evidentiary documents because ‘I was inundated with documents’, it appears unlikely that Interviewee 15 received more documents than some arbitrators, particularly those involved in international matters, who routinely receive thousands, if not tens of thousands, of pages of documents from the parties.137

Those respondents who used a law clerk or assistant were then asked how they communicated with those individuals. This issue was also addressed in connection with independent legal research.138

Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that his/her law clerk or assistant prepared ‘a bench memo [that] is comprehensive in laying out the issues and evidence supporting each contention on the law and facts and gives me the complete picture’. Interviewee 8 went on to say that s/he nevertheless ended up reading a number of evidentiary documents: ‘which ones will be clear from the bench memo, which will identify which are the most critical ones. I’ll read those before the hearing.’ While this technique does ensure that the judge–arbitrator eventually reads the evidence submitted by the parties, it gives a great deal of power to the law clerk or assistant.

b.  Judges and arbitrators

The next series of questions asked interviewees to estimate how many of the documents submitted by the parties the respondent personally read in whole or in part. This issue was also addressed in the survey.139

Very few respondents indicated that they read all of the documents in their entirety,140 and those that did usually worked in areas where relatively few materials were submitted to the decision maker. For example, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said that s/he read all of the evidentiary submissions in whole, but noted that s/he ‘rarely see more than 500 pages in my disputes’. Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, also reported reading all the evidentiary submissions, which would range ‘for insurance cases, 25 from each party. Franchise cases—25 to 30 from the franchisor, less than 20 from the franchisee. Construction—I’m deluged—no less than 50 exhibits, many blueprints.’

Other respondents described very different evidentiary norms and practices. For example, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, noted that

I just received today some dozen of binders, and I doubt there will be many relevant documents. There are approximately 200 to 300 pages per binder, and I doubt that the parties expect me to read 12,000 pages—it would be far too costly to do that. The (p. 244) parties submit too many documents—that’s a general problem in arbitration. Parties don’t take the risk to limit themselves to the relevant documents.

Some respondents used different techniques, depending on the nature of the dispute. For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said his/her approach ‘varies from case to case. When I have 200 or fewer documents, I will review most at least in part. When I have hundreds and hundreds, I’m less likely to read in part or in whole.’

Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, also noted that his/her approach

varies massively. In some cases, parties agree to present bundles and bundles and bundles of documents,141 and it’s a disservice to the parties if I take the time to read them all. Other parties are far more directed in their presentation, and when I see that, I’m more likely to read all the documents. It’s also not just quantity—there’s also discretion in choosing which documents to review.

Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, had a similar response, noting that s/he ‘can’t say there’s an absolute rule’. For example,

some matters have a small number of documents where I read everything. However, I had one case where the insured wanted [certain] costs to be paid by the insurer. The insurer made the shocking argument that as part of the costs, the workers had been given too much in lunch reimbursements, so they submitted thousands of lunch receipts. This was evidence, and we should read it, but we’re not going through thousands of lunch receipts. Instead, the tribunal appointed an expert to give a report on the amount of lunch that was ordered and the amount that was appropriate.

Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator who had his/her law clerk or assistant read the bulk of the documents when acting as a judge, said that when s/he was working as an arbitrator,

I read the core documents. About 15 per cent. Notably, juries do the same thing—when you send in documents, there are a couple of documents that you can tell have been read (crumpled, etc.) and others have not. The reason lawyers introduce all documents is to establish a record. They know no one will read them—it’s so they can argue that it’s part of the record. That’s technically true even if the documents are not considered.

(p. 245) Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly noted,

Expert attachments are sometimes huge, and there’s just one sentence that’s helpful, so it’s hard to answer. Parties file a lot of documents to be there, but no one expects you to read them all. In my procedural order, parties must refer expressly to documents in written pleadings—they must say the exhibits on which they rely and those I should read.

Other respondents noted that their practice depended on the strategy adopted by counsel, particularly whether and to what extent the document is discussed bwa the parties.142 For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, indicated,

It is hard to say. It depends if [the attorneys] give all the documents to the tribunal or only those relating to materially contested issues. I will read in full the materials on contested issues. That’s why a narrow fact section in the award only relating to contested issues is helpful, because it focuses your reading.

It’s ultimately a judgment call. If it’s key, you read it in full. You have to triage the documents.

Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly said that it ‘depends on length. If the phone book comes in, I don’t read it all. If it’s a 50-page document and parties only cite one page, I read the page they’ve cited and I don’t read the rest.’ Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly noted that s/he followed the lead of counsel, stating that

we don’t read all the documents in the trial bundle. If there’s a core bundle, we might read all, but we will read all that the parties refer to. Counsel introduce a wide range of documents for safety, and there’s no rule on how to enter documents. If there’s a contract, you must give the entire document, not single pages. The Court of Appeal [in one nation] admits just single pages now.143

In [another national court], before trial they give me (the judge) a reading list and counsel tells the judge how much time to spend reading. Counsel must also give a draft order; before you get the draft, there’s lots of waffling.

Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, adopted a similar approach, noting that s/he read

a very small percentage [of materials] because you may get a 100-page document, but only one to two pages are really in dispute. A great lawyer makes it so that I don’t have (p. 246) to read the entire document—he or she gives me the pages. If you make me read the whole document, you’re not being an effective advocate.

Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the civil law tradition, also adopted this methodology, saying,

The parties normally submit thousands of documents, but in the pleadings, they identify a percentage of key documents. I read all of those because it’s necessary to read documents that parties invoke in other documents.

As for percentages, it depends on the pleadings—maybe 30 per cent. It’s impossible to read every single paper. If you get a hearing bundle, that’s very helpful. It’s very rare that I’ve been surprised by documents in the hearing that I’ve not seen before.

Other civil law international arbitrators took a similar approach. Thus, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator with civilian training, noted that ‘sometimes, I receive 250 binders of documents, and not all are important. The hearing bundle may be two binders of documents—you read what is most important.’ Interviewee 3 went on to indicate that ‘I do all of the review—my clerk does not. I [also] read all the witness statements.’

Several respondents emphasized how their own individual methodology affected their approach to evidence. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said,

I read 100 per cent [of the documents] in whole or in part. I try to hone in on key documents. Often, I have three to four volumes of exhibits. Those that are referred to and admitted are the most important. If the document is not dealt with or referred to, then I may not look at it in detail.

I’m old school—I require hard copies so that I can write on those documents at the time of testimony. Hearings are more efficient if they’re digitalized, but I like hard copies.

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said, ‘First, I keep track of exhibits in the hearing and will re-read the important ones. I will not read every document parties want to put in evidence.’

Perhaps the most important issue relating to evidence involves how judges and arbitrators identify which documents they should read. As the preceding paragraphs suggest, many respondents focused on materials that had been discussed by counsel in written submissions or during the hearing or that were contained in trial bundles. This approach was confirmed through a follow-up question to those respondents who had not outlined a specific methodology when discussing the percentage of evidentiary documents they read.

(p. 247) In response to this follow-up question, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said that s/he decides to read a particular document because ‘either counsel calls attention to it in briefing or uses it with a witness. But sometimes I look at the documents surrounding the document to flesh out/further contextualize’ the analysis.

The notion of reading related documents was also mentioned by Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator. S/he had ‘no formula—I’ll often just start going through [the documents] to see what’s there’, but ‘often, I read documents appended to expert reports. Those are often valuable for more than what the expert says, since they’re not culled for a specific purpose.’ Interviewee 1 also said s/he ‘will look at exhibits to which parties direct my attention’ and ‘will look at contemporaneous documents, so I ask parties to give documents in chronological order’.

Not all respondents thought it appropriate or necessary to look beyond the materials focused on by the parties. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that ‘I’m guided by the parties. It’s not a question of which [documents] I read. I read for the reason it’s submitted and won’t go further if the opposing party doesn’t take me further.’ Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator similarly indicated that ‘I read the contract between the parties, documents supporting testimony and documents supporting the theory of the case’.

Nevertheless, many respondents used the parties’ positions as a starting point.144 For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, indicated that s/he always reads the documents ‘that the parties focus on, for example, if there’s a lot of cross-examination’. Interviewee 19, another international arbitrator, noted that

I always read documents mentioned in the main text of the memorials. If they’re in the footnotes or not mentioned at all, I usually don’t, although I may read them after the hearing.

In a recent case, I had 40 volumes (three-ring binders) of mostly invoices and purchase slips for a retail business. I’m not going to read all of those. I’m guided by the parties’ relevance on those.

Other respondents relied on their experience in similar matters when deciding what to read. For example, Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, said that ‘parties call attention to certain things or I know items are important through experience/understanding the case. Sometimes I have seen that type of document before.’

Those respondents who had not already identified a comprehensive methodology were then asked whether their decision to read a particular item was triggered by the type of document, the type of substantive dispute, the actions of parties or counsel, or something else. Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

(p. 248)

All of these things are valid. I have no formula. Unusually, I look at financing associated with underlying transaction; I often look at those documents because they have information that litigation counsel often doesn’t think about.

I’ll also read offering documents because litigation counsel often won’t read or know about those. As a transactional lawyer, I will see things they don’t. This may be idiosyncratic to me as a transactional lawyer.

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, and Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that all of the elements listed in the question were important, while Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, indicated that there was no difference between the different categories listed in the question. Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that his/her approach was ‘the result of years of experience. Instinctively and by training I understand what are the principal documents.’

3.  Time of reviewing evidence

The next question in this series involved the time at which the interviewees reviewed evidentiary materials: before, during, or after the hearing. This issue was also raised with respect to legal authorities.145

Responses varied, albeit with no apparent pattern relating to the interviewees’ role as a judge or arbitrator, the type of dispute (domestic or international) or the individual’s legal training (common law or civil law). For example, one group of respondents indicated that they reviewed the evidence before, during, and after the hearing, although the purpose or scope of review differed according to the stage of the proceedings.146 Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said,

I read at all three times—before, during, and after. I read most material items before the hearing so I can ask follow-up questions of witnesses. Of course, you won’t know exactly what will be relevant. I read during the hearing if it becomes relevant, then re-read at the drafting stage.

Previously I used hard copies of everything, tabbed. Now I’m trying to do it with electronic copies, but it’s hard.

Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that s/he read at all three times

because you don’t have all the documents before—you may have some based on the filings (claim, counterclaim, etc.). I read during when I’m presented with testimony (p. 249) and mark it to be read. Afterwards—the documents always have most meaning at this point because now you know what’s been presented.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, adopted a similar approach, noting that ‘during the hearing I look at the documents that are shown to the witness, but I leaf through the documents before and certainly after’. Interviewee 19, another international arbitrator, indicated that s/he reviewed the evidence not only before the hearing, but also during the hearing, although the latter review was not limited to ‘the documents the parties use in the hearing. I am often prompted to go look at other documents. After [the hearing], I always re-read [a document] if the reference is going into the award.’ Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, followed the same pattern, noting that s/he read the documents ‘before—always. During—because part of oral testimony. After—only if I need to take another look.’ Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he reviewed the evidence

before [the hearing and] sometimes during because I didn’t realize a document was important (meaning I read it at night or during the hearing). You also re-read during the drafting of an award, but you shouldn’t discover the document then, otherwise you don’t ask the right questions.

Other respondents focused their review on the time before and after the hearing. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, said that before the hearing, s/he ‘read all the witness statements and all the documents I think are important. If there are one hundred documents, I read them all. If there are three thousand documents, I read the most important. After [the hearing], I read additional documents that I now know are important.’ Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, said that ‘we read what the lawyers tell us to read in two phases—the opening submissions and post-hearing briefs’. Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly indicated s/he read ‘the ones submitted before—before. The hearing and post-submission documents and transcript—after’.

Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, explained his/her process in slightly more detail, indicating,

Before, I read submissions, and when I need clarification, I go to the fact documents, but I don’t read them all beforehand—I only verify. Afterwards is the same—I only look at fact documents if they’re really relevant.

One respondent—Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator—discussed timing issues involving his/her law clerks or assistants, stating ‘they read everything before the hearing, when they’re doing the long bench memo, that I then study sufficiently early to have the best appreciation of the alleged facts’.

(p. 250) Only two respondents indicated that they did not begin their review until the hearing,147 although this approach appeared somewhat out of step with general consensus. Indeed, as noted by Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator who reviewed evidence ‘always before’ the hearing, ‘there’s nothing more irritating to the parties that an unprepared arbitrator’.

4.  Weight of evidence

One of the least-discussed matters in the legal literature involves the weight judges and arbitrators give to different types of evidence, so the next question in this series specifically asked respondents to describe how they weighed evidence. Not surprisingly, a number of responses were similar to those generated in response to questions about the relative importance of different types of evidence.148 For example, several individuals indicated that contemporaneous documents were the most compelling form of evidence. Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, stated,

Contemporaneous documents/communications are the most persuasive, so I give them a good deal of deference, but it depends on how well-stated they are. Some are confusing or ambiguous or defy their own internal logic. Once people are in litigation, they might approach things with a different perspective. If the written witness statement or oral testimony seems strained vis-à-vis the contemporaneous documents, the witness will be cross-examined and, depending on how that goes, may be subjected to questions from me.

Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated s/he gave ‘greatest weight to the governing document’, such as a contract. After that, the

only question is ambiguity—then you must give weight to contemporaneous documents. Witnesses have an interest in the outcome. They’re usually aligned with the parties, so I give them less weight. The same is true of experts—they’re usually hired guns aligned with their client. Some experts are neutral, however. So, most weight to documents, then expert witnesses, then fact witnesses.

Another frequent response involved the concept of corroborating evidence. Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator from the common law tradition, stated that in his/her approach,

where evidence is concordant with something else in the file, it gets more weight. For example, if a witness statement is consistent with letters, that gives both the statement and the letters more weight.(p. 251)

Testimony is more subjective. If it is live, we can have impressions of witness conduct and knowledge, but the same basic rule applies—is the live testimony consistent with witness statements and documents.

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, similarly noted,

There are witnesses whose testimony are corroborated by documents/testimony, [just as there are] also documents that are corroborated by other evidence. You look at the fuller picture. Some things don’t fall into place—usually you place less emphasis on those. You rely on those [items] that give a consistent picture by looking at all the evidence.

Other respondents identified a more complex strategy. For example, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, stated,

For testimony of fact witnesses, it depends on how knowledgeable they are about what they’re testifying about, how credible they are, whether the testimony is corroborated by contemporary documents.

Regarding documents—I give weight depending on whether there is a witness corroborating.

Regarding experts—[it depends on] how well acquainted they are with the facts of the case and with what needs to be proven, and how they answer questions. They’re there to help me/the panel, so if they’re dodging questions or not knowledgeable, I don’t give them much weight.

Several individuals indicated that decisions relating to the weight of a particular piece of evidence was linked to the proposition the evidence was meant to support. Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said,

The weight is a function of the reason the item was submitted. If it is peripheral issue or an issue I don’t think is definitive, I give it less weight. If an objection is made to an exhibit, I admit it for what it’s worth, which means I’m giving it little weight. Rather than not admit it, I let it in and give it little weight.

Interviewee 5, another common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was slightly less rigorous in his/her methodology and said s/he assigned weight to different pieces of evidence

partially based on the testimony, partially based on the type of dispute and whether it is a key or tangential document. I assign weight based on what I hear at the hearing. It also depends on the type of claims. If it’s a contract case, that makes the contract more important.

(p. 252) Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was unable to describe a particular practice, but identified a number of relevant features, including ‘relevancy to the issue; whether it’s cumulative or not; clarity of the point the document substantiates; certainty of authenticity. Some is based on how it’s referred to/presented by the parties.’

A significant number of respondents struggled to answer the question, with some indicating an inability to provide an answer in the abstract.149 Other individuals provided relatively simplistic or circular rationales.150

Other respondents merely referred to knowledge gained from experience. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

I don’t know. I think it’s the judgment of being a good lawyer and decision maker. It’s like the chicken and the egg—you need a lot of years to be exposed to a lot of things to be able to bring that judgment to bear on a dispute. I have no formula and am trying to remain surprised in every case.

Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said,

I think we have a natural filter based on our understanding of the inherent reliability of evidence. I monitor body language, fidgeting, etc. When you’ve been around the block, you get a read on people. I do leave room to adjust my expectations.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, said,

You just know. Contracts are the most important. Contemporaneous exchanges of documents, emails, notes by principle actors and witnesses are my greatest interest.

The difficulties faced by these respondents in enunciating their approach to evidence underscores the lack of standardization relating how evidence can or should be weighed. While some observers may take the view that such flexibility is a necessary part of the adjudicative process, social scientists have found that the absence (p. 253) of a formal methodology or objective criteria can create an environment where unconscious biases can flourish, which is of course problematic for both litigation and arbitration.151

5.  Citation of evidence

The next inquiry in this series addressed citation of evidence, focusing not on formalistic considerations but instead on the substantive question of how judges and arbitrators decide which factual issues or evidence to discuss in a reasoned decision or award. A similar question was asked on the survey152 and an analogous question was asked in the section involving legal authorities so as to allow comparisons across the legal-evidentiary divide.153

Not surprisingly, most respondents simply indicated that they discussed those factual issues that were raised by the parties. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator from a common law background, indicated that s/he included ‘the ones that parties say I need to decide’, while Interviewee 3, a civil law-trained international arbitrator, stated that ‘I often ask parties to agree on a list of issues. If they can’t, then they separately identify issues, and I compile a list and submit it to the parties.’

This is not to say that respondents surrendered all responsibility for identifying the relevant factual issues. To the contrary, a number of individuals indicated that their opinions, combined with the views of the parties, were the deciding factor.154

For example, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said that ‘I usually don’t decide that. The parties decide that, though it’s affected by how I shepherd parties early on.’ Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator with a civil law background, indicated that ‘you get a list of parties’ positions including what facts are relevant to the parties and then see if those are relevant to you. Then you see if those facts are proven and how.’ Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, stated that ‘that decision is essentially made for one by the state of the record. It’s a question in part of on what facts the decision turns and what evidence you accept or reject.’

Some disparity arose with respect to the amount of respect given to the parties’ formulation of the issues and evidence. For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, emphasized that ‘one must discuss them [parties’ contentions] in their entirety. You give more emphasis to issues the parties argue, but you can’t leave anything out’. On the other hand, Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘I have to decide which of many issues really need to be decided. Not all issues raised by the parties matter. They may talk for days, but that doesn’t really affect the (p. 254) outcome.’ Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, took a slightly different view, stating,

It’s a function of the legal analysis: what are legal questions that must be answered to get to the result. It’s also a function of the parties’ submissions. If they present a lot, I will address more material even if I don’t think it is important. I discuss it to make them feel that they’ve been heard, especially the losing party.155

Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, also addressed the role that parties’ argument plays, noting that

I usually start with the elements/burden of proof and usually am guided by the parties, although I am not confined by the parties. If I see something placed in evidence, if it might impact on the award, I may go outside the argument made if it’s clear on the evidence that this is a point that might be determinative.

Other respondents also focused on the elements of the legal claims to be proven.156 For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that his/her decision on which facts or evidence to discuss turned on ‘understanding the cause of action and deciding which facts are necessary to decide those elements’. Interviewee 4, another mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly stated,

The answer flows from the syllogistic process, starting with the legal principle that I conclude is applicable on the authorities and the advocacy that is dispositive. Sometimes the evidence is relevant to one or two different issues, and sometimes it applies to several issues. Determining the relevant evidence is not a simple process, but it flows from the legal principles most likely to properly resolve the dispute.

There are times when I thought a certain legal principle was determinative and I’ve been convinced by my colleagues on the panel that other legal principles were more important and I changed my mind. Just because I start with one principle and look at the facts relevant to that principle doesn’t mean I won’t go back and revisit the legal principle. I have more than once backed up to review and re-do my legal analysis. Sometimes I come to different conclusions about issues and sometimes I come to a different conclusion about the winner of the dispute, especially when I’m in a panel.

(p. 255) Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, also discussed how panel deliberation affects the review and citation of factual material, stating,

In a three-person tribunal, very often this is the subject of internal discussions. Everyone pitches in and thinks about what are the most important issues. You have a decision tree and think, ‘here’s where we are, there’s where we want to go—what evidence do you need to build to the end’.

Some respondents focused on the concept of relevancy. For example, Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, said that s/he cited to ‘the items that are most telling and revelatory and that give the best and most reasonable explanation of the events’. Interviewee 18, another international judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he included particular pieces of evidence ‘when they are relevant. For example, the parties could seek to create an atmosphere by depicting their previous history, but this has nothing to do with the dispute, so I don’t mention that.’

Several responses suggested that the evidence that is the most relevant is the material that has been discussed the most. Thus, Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, said the factual materials that are discussed in the reasoned decision or award

identify themselves to me—they emerge from the pack as being the most important. Gerry Aksen used to say, ‘I want you to give me the notebook you have that you put under your pillow at night—the key documents, not just the trial bundle’, and I’ve yet to see a case that has more than one binder of key evidence.

Recently, I have started asking counsel to try not to create different witness documents but to give us the same documents in a single bundle so that I have one copy of the contract, one copy of the famous letter of X and the response of Y. I then use colour stickers, a different colour for the claimant and respondent, and tag the documents every time they’re used. At the end, I can see which documents have been discussed. Some never have been.

Those respondents who did not discuss the rationales motivating their citation practice were then asked a follow-up question focusing on why they include those particular references in their reasoned decisions or awards. Several individuals adopted what might be called a structural approach, claiming that factual analysis was a necessary element of the legal reasoning process.157 As Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said, ‘It’s necessary to apply the law to the facts, and if you don’t mention the facts and your interpretation of the law to the facts, you’ve not described your thinking to the parties’. Interviewee 13, another common law domestic judge–arbitrator, (p. 256) similarly indicated that ‘the facts drive the award. It depends on the theory of the case but depends greatly on testimony.’

Similar views were expressed by respondents from the civil law tradition. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator with civilian training, noted that evidence was vital to a reasoned decision or award ‘because you must reason your decision on the facts’. Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator with a civil law background, indicated that s/he included citations to the evidence ‘because parties need to understand what the tribunal thought was relevant and proven or not proven’.

Other respondents hearkened back to the need for parties to understand the reasons driving the outcome. Thus, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that ‘fact citations anchor the logic of my award. I seek for parties to understand my reasoning, and when you anchor [your discussion] to evidence, they see the award is based on evidence they’ve provided.’ Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, said that

I think it gives more weight to the award and explains how I came to my conclusion. In contrast, in sports [arbitration] cases, they don’t want that—I had too many references to exhibits. They said to never refer to evidentiary documents (unlike legal authority, which they like).

I think my way is the right way and shows the rigor of your analysis. If you’re basing your decision on that document or testimony, you should say so.

Finally, some individuals included factual citations as a means of checking their own reasoning processes. For example, Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, noted that ‘for a while, I stopped using references, I just said “the December 10 letter” not “Exhibit X”, but now I do because it’s a discipline to me to re-read the documents, and parties know that I meant that particular letter’.

6.  Advice from judges and arbitrators to counsel regarding evidence

The last question in this series asked respondents to identify what they wished parties and counsel knew about how judges and arbitrators approach evidentiary issues. While Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, believed that ‘they know—the work of an arbitrator is no different than the work of counsel—they know what’s important in terms of law, evidence, etc.’, most respondents had one or more suggestions to make. Indeed, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, specifically stated that ‘for their own benefit or the benefit of their clients, lawyers should really know on some basis about how arbitrators approach issues’.

Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, identified three issues that were echoed by other respondents, stating, ‘One—they [parties and counsel] should focus only on material disputes of facts. Two—repetitive evidence loses its value. Three—hyperbole and exaggeration undercut what counsel is trying to do. Note these three items also apply to oral arguments.’ Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, (p. 257) similarly noted that ‘I wish they knew it’s important, and an incredible witness demeans the argument of the party and it’s better that person not be called—it does irreparable harm. Same with incredible documents.’

Other respondents underscored the problem of excessive materials.158 For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, noted that counsel and advocates should

recognize reality. An arbitrator cannot read and remember 20,000 documents; triage is necessary. Responsible arbitrators will want to reassure themselves [that] the documents say what counsel says they say. So, make those two tasks easier; give a core bundle or a post-hearing brief. Tell the arbitrators what to focus on. There will be disagreement, but it helps the arbitrators. Tell them what to read and organize the materials in a user-friendly fashion.

Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly remarked that

I wish they would not put in the amounts of documents that they do. Throwing the kitchen sink in just makes it harder to get the right outcome. Cluttering the record is disturbing. If they knew what we do, maybe they’d do things differently.

In arbitration, counsel often know [what decision makers do] because they also sit as arbitrators. Lawyers in court have never been judges.

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, noted that

sometimes I feel I’m flooded with lots of facts and there’s no proper articulation of relevant material. It’s all on the same level, and there are facts that I can disregard to apply the relevant rule of law. Parties should be more selective and more courageous in selecting and presenting materials. Sometimes I have to go look for facts because they’re not presented. So be selective—don’t present too many things.

Although most respondents focused on problems associated with presenting too much information, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that s/he ‘wish[ed] [counsel] knew that simply checking a box (for example, saying this witness will testify to this) may not be enough. How good someone’s memory is, how much detail they have, how credible they are—that’s more important’ when considering evidentiary issues.

Other respondents recognized the paradox involved in presenting evidence. As Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, noted,

It would be helpful if parties knew that although I will look at all issues, I will focus on the main issues. But they can’t know what those main issues are, of course. For (p. 258) example, they may argue point two as an alternative in case I don’t decide for them on point one, but I can’t tell them to stop arguing point two because I have decided point one in their favour.

Not everyone takes that type of hands-off approach. For example, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘if a party insists on discussing things that aren’t relevant, I will tell them not to waste their time’. Interestingly, the different approaches identified by Interviewee 7 (a common law lawyer) and Interviewee 18 (a civil law lawyer) appear to mirror standard assumptions about the nature of common law litigation (where the parties are in control of the process), as compared to civil law litigation (where the judge takes a leading role in developing the case).159 However, this distinction did not appear to be borne out by other interviewees responding to this question and may merely reflect individual preferences. Indeed, later in the interview process, Interviewee 7 indicated that s/he adopted certain techniques that are often considered more typical of the civil law tradition than the common law tradition.160

This is not to say that differences between common law and civil law judges and arbitrators do not exist. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, was of the view that

different arbitrators definitely approach fact issues very differently. For example, many common law lawyers are not capable or interested in taking any approach to the hearing of evidence other than through live testimony. Some civil law lawyers take the opposite approach. Oral testimony is wasted on them. However, there are many arbitrators who try to use the best of both worlds. I’ve not sat on an exclusively civil law panel since I am a common law lawyer, but I have sat as the sole common law lawyer on a panel.

My domestic experience involved exclusively common law panels. During those years, the skills were not that different in terms of how to present to a judge/jury versus an arbitrator. Even if the evidentiary rules didn’t technically apply, the advocates still needed to ask good questions to get good testimony and use prior documents and testimony to challenge various witnesses.

I now hear complaints about US lawyers trying cases as if to a jury. I think that jurors are human, as are arbitrators, so I don’t have a problem with that. Hopefully, the advocates use clear, simple language and ask good questions and use documents to support their evidence. Those should be transferable skills.

However, Interviewee 4 him/herself adopted certain civil law methodologies in appropriate cases, demonstrating the flexibility associated with internationally minded arbitrators.161 Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, also indicated in (p. 259) response to a later question that s/he adopted what might be called civil law techniques in domestic arbitration, suggesting that the common law–civil law distinction is perhaps not as robust as it once was.162

Notably, not every common law respondent supported the incorporation of common law trial techniques in arbitration. For example, Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator from a common law background, noted,

For me, I do not think there’s much value in cross-examination. People ask too many questions that don’t get them anywhere. Commercial arbitration is different than litigation. Cross-examination has less of a role in international commercial arbitration because most matters are decided on the papers. Most matters of the size we have leave a paper trail, and testimony adds little. Lots of people waste time. The documents say what they say. It’s the exceptional case where you can deny your own words.

Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, suggested that counsel might adopt trial techniques because

attorneys are largely uncomfortable with not having the certainty of court rules. If they’re insecure, they make their parties insecure, so I get levels of anxiety from witnesses that I would not expect to see in court. They think they know how to act in court but not in arbitration, and attorneys don’t help. We need a ‘Law and Order—Arbitration’.

Several respondents provided tangible tips to counsel. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘I wish they’d put down the elements and the evidence in a document, not for us but for themselves. A lot of testimony and documents are not relevant. Sometimes the client wants it in, so they say it for emotional reasons.’ Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

Normally, arbitrators are influenced by how parties frame the issues. I’d like parties to know the more concrete the facts are, the better. If they can provide a timeline, that’s also very helpful.

Often, I see loopholes or gaps in the pleadings. The parties should know that if they give a narrative with the timeline, that helps.

Another useful tip came from Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, who noted that arbitrators and ‘judges want to get it right. We don’t believe any personal animosity will make it right. Insulting the opposing lawyer is bad advocacy. When you’re being uncivil, I believe you’re telling me the law and facts are not on your side and that’s all you (p. 260) have—incivility’. Similarly, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that counsel should know ‘that we approach them with fairness, neutrality and without bias and seek their guidance as to relevancy and weight that should be given to evidence’. Finally, Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, noted that counsel should remember ‘that we’re not stupid. Just lay the evidence out clearly, including the awkward stuff’.

D.  The Reasoning Process

Although legal and evidentiary issues are part of the legal reasoning process, the next set of questions focused specifically on judicial and arbitral reasoning per se. Notably, the interview protocol made a clear distinction between the reasoning process and writing the decision or award, which was covered later in the interview.163 Questions about the reasoning process focused not only on the respondent’s standard practices but also on differences that might arise as a result of different functions that the respondent might carry out. Many of the issues analysed here were also considered in the survey.164

1.  The basic process

The first question in the series focused on how the respondent went about reasoning through a decision or award. Some individuals had no pre-established methodology that they routinely followed,165 whereas other individuals took a relatively structured approach to the reasoning process. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said, ‘You make your own outline of issues you need to decide—a decision-tree analysis—what are the core issues and what are the documents for those issues’ and then go from there.

Other respondents varied their approach according to the nature of the dispute. For example, Interviewee 3, another international arbitrator, indicated that it

depends on the complexity of the case. Some cases, even if they are big, are less complex, and after reading [the submissions] you have a feeling about the case. Then, at the hearing, you test your feelings against the arguments and you ask questions to test your feelings.

In some complex cases, you may not have a global feeling. You work through the issues, and only at the end do you reach a conclusion.

The best scenario is that you have a feeling and test that by asking questions during the hearing.

(p. 261) The concept of a ‘gut feeling’ was also enunciated by Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, who indicated that

sometimes—probably a lot—by the time the hearing comes, by which time you’re quite familiar with the case from written submissions, one has a sense of who legally is on the right side and should win. Sometimes you don’t. Sometimes the legal issues are so novel that coming out of the hearing, you’re in some degree of uncertainty. Then the deliberations among the tribunal will bring things into more focus, where your colleagues stand.

Sometimes we have to ask parties for further submissions or bifurcate proceedings if liability is found but the evidence on damages is insufficient.

Interviewee 3 noted above that s/he began the reasoning process by testing certain assumptions during the hearing. Other respondents indicated that they adopted a similar process. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said that

I will often, when I have good quality advocates, assertively lay out the problems I have with their positions when we get to closing so that they can hear my thoughts and address them. That’s not done by a lot of arbitrators, but it helps me greatly when I think I’ve put myself in an intellectual corner and a good advocate can bring me out.

Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly stated,

If I’m a sole arbitrator, I have read the authorities before the hearing, and I may not have any briefs yet but I have done some of my own research, I’ve forced the parties to hone the issues and exclude unsupported arguments. We go into the hearing focusing on what I want addressed. I’m an activist arbitrator and ask a lot of questions without taking over cross-examination. I will tell the parties what I want addressed in closing arguments or briefs. I prepare a draft of the award as soon after getting the legal authorities as possible (i.e. after closing or post-hearing briefs).

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, also started the reasoning process early, noting,

At the time when I’m preparing and during the hearing, I think about this. When I prepare to deliberate, I do a list of issues and look at what are the relevant elements (facts and law) that I need to understand to have my roadmap of my decision. I then do a roadmap of my decision that I share with my co-arbitrators.

Other respondents indicated that they begin the reasoning process from an evidentiary perspective by considering their hearing notes in tandem with the (p. 262) parties’ submissions.166 Thus, Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

I start with the facts. If my co-arbitrators and I have some understanding of the facts, then applying the law is easier. If you don’t agree on the facts, it’s harder.

Then you go to the evidence—what are the consequences of this particular fact.

Then you move to the legal reasoning—what are the consequences of that fact.

Other respondents indicated that their reasoning process begins during or before the hearing. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that

I take copious notes, have notes with stars and signals—different coloured pens to highlight different things—and almost always ask for briefing from parties. [Then I] take my notes apart and make piles of different issues and place different testimony together in those piles. So, if there are two to three issues to be determined, I have piles then begin an outline of thoughts on different piles. I do this on paper, not on a computer. Then I form opinions on issues and see how they fit with burdens of proof.

The majority of the time I have a good feeling on how it falls into place. Occasionally I change my mind because briefing affects how I see an issue or evidence. Not until I put pen to paper do I lock into what the award will do. I rely heavily on notes but sometimes briefing changes my mind.

Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that

I make notes during the testimony of a witness and make margin notes determining what that testimony has to do with the issue at hand. Then I weigh the credibility of the witness. When I get the transcript, I measure it against my notes to consider if I decided correctly while in the hearing.

Other respondents focused on the law as the starting point of their analysis. For example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, said, ‘We read briefs and try to make sure we know controlling law. We hope to narrow that down in oral argument, then write our opinion.’

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, adopted a mixed approach, stating,

I break down each side’s core reasoning as to why they think the facts and law lead to their conclusion, then reduce that to skeleton proportions and see which is the most important. If A + B = C, do we believe all the elements of the arguments, or is it X + Y = Z?

(p. 263) 2.  Changes over time

Although parties in litigation have no opportunity to choose their judge, many in the commercial realm believe that experience is perhaps the single most important quality that an arbitrator should have, an attribute that has made it increasingly difficult for young arbitrators to obtain appointments.167 However, this preference for experienced decision makers only makes sense if the performance of judges and arbitrators change and improve over time. In order to get to that issue, the next question in this series asked whether the respondent’s approach to legal reasoning had changed over the course of that person’s career.168

As it turned out, several individuals were not sure whether and to what extent their legal reasoning process had changed over time.169 A significant number of respondents indicated that they believed their approach to legal reasoning had not changed during the course of their careers,170 thereby suggesting that concerns about appointing more junior individuals as arbitrators may be misplaced. Those who indicated that their process had indeed evolved suggested that the changes were relatively minor. Indeed, most respondents who indicated a change in their approach to legal reasoning said that they had primarily become more confident. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, said, ‘I have become more confident in my own assessment, which doesn’t detract from vigorous legal analysis. [It’s just that now] I trust my legal intuition.’ Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, said that ‘I’ve gotten older and wiser now—I’m much more confident in zeroing in on key legal issues without needing to recite everything else. I’m more confident in finding my way through the maze.’ Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said that ‘I suppose it has, maybe because I am more willing to trust my mental landscape than at first, 20 years ago’.

Other changes were also relatively minor. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said that his/her approach to legal reasoning had ‘not really’ changed over the course of his/her career; although ‘I have become more efficient, the fundamentals are no different’. Interviewee 7, another international arbitrator, similarly said, ‘I wouldn’t say it’s changed but it has become more finely tuned. I’ve seen how complicated issues are. I often say what I do is sit not as an expert but as a specialist. Doing this for a living makes for a sharper point on the pencil.’

Some respondents noted that changes had occurred not so much in their approach to legal reasoning but in the legal environment in which they worked. Thus, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, said that his/her typical practice had ‘unfortunately’ changed. ‘I say unfortunately because lawyers cannot make things simple any more. (p. 264) The shorter, the better, when it comes to case presentations, but often parties write hundreds of pages and you must address all those issues. Arbitration has become more complex than before.’171

Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, identified another external pressure that can affect legal reasoning, citing ‘information technology [as something] that’s had a big impact on my processes and probably on others as well’. Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that s/he had changed as a result of exposure to other legal traditions, stating that, ‘as a civil law trained lawyer, I tended to give the law first, then the rest, but international arbitration does not function in that way, and no common law or civil law lawyers in international arbitration work that way’.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, was one of the few respondents who identified a significant change in the way s/he approached the reasoning process, noting that

I [now] have a technique [relating to how I] listen to evidence. One forms a strong view after reading the submissions (the standard of submissions is much higher [in international arbitration] than in domestic), then you must go through the evidence. As I listen, I don’t record anything because that’s in the transcript. [Instead,] I write down my impressions—‘silver bullets’ I call them—key points that are questions to be answered or debunked by the other side.

I may end up with 25 to 40 silver bullets that capture my imagination as we go through the points. These are different than the impressions you get on first reading; your understanding may change. When all these flashes of insight come, I write them down—they may not be logical but they are mini-Eureka moments. If you don’t answer these questions, the outcome must go a certain way.

Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, was also able to enunciate how his/her reasoning had changed, noting,

It’s more clear-cut now. Less book, more practical. As a person, you’re inclined to decide because a court/tribunal has decided something. The more you grow up, you see those people can make mistakes and you have your own views.

I’ve also become more aware of commercial/economic realities. You still base your decision in the law, but you also root it in the business world. Also, you ask why the parties have a dispute and whether I should focus on the triggering incident.

Finally, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘I’ve come to feel that arbitration has little chance of appeal, and I need to give the parties (p. 265) all the opportunity [possible] to provide all the evidence so that they can get the fairest outcome on the law that applies to the case’.

3.  Changes due to function—judges versus arbitrators

Conventional wisdom has long held that the nature and quality of judicial reasoning differs from that of arbitral reasoning, with arbitral reasoning often considered to reflect ‘second class’ justice even in those fields—such as international commercial arbitration—that involve exceptionally complex issues of law and fact and highly sophisticated procedures.172 The next question in this series therefore asked those respondents who had served as both a judge and an arbitrator whether their reasoning process changed depending on the capacity in which they were acting.173

Most of the 11 interviewees who had served or were serving as judges indicated that their reasoning processes did not change according to whether they were acting in a judicial or arbitral capacity. Indeed, three answered the question with a categorical ‘no’,174 while another—Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator—indicated that my ‘reasoning does not, though I may express myself differently in writing. As an arbitrator, I write in the third person, whereas as a judge, I write in the first person—it’s much more personal. I have a [personal] attachment to decisions but not awards.’

Of the respondents who did distinguish between their work as judges and as arbitrators, two focused on the role of equity in their determinations, although both took pains to emphasize that equity did not replace the law. For example, Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, said, ‘It’s hard to answer, [but] I’m even more susceptible now [as an arbitrator] to equitable type arguments and a little less patient with purely technical arguments, though I’ll pay attention to that’. Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that,

as a judge, I feel I must consider the rules of evidence/procedure and must consider law technically. When I was [a judge], I had to apply the law technically even if the outcome was not fair.

As an arbitrator, I do not disregard the law, but I can bring in fairness more than a judge. The parties do or should consider this factor when choosing arbitration. [For example, arbitrators are] not bound by the rules of evidence or procedure. I tell the parties ahead of time that if the document is not admissible in court, I will take it anyway [in arbitration] unless it’s privileged, and I give it the credibility it deserves.

(p. 266) Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, identified a separate issue when contemplating ‘the biggest distinction between a judge and an arbitrator’, noting that

I’m struck by the fact that you’re more personally responsible as an arbitrator because you don’t have a law clerk. Judges can sometimes pass off the responsibility to read cases/documents [to their clerks], and a judge simply reviews drafts and makes sure they’re convinced it’s right. The arbitrator must do things personally in a way that I didn’t as a judge.

Also, arbitrators are under time pressures. Judges rule when s/he rules—there are no deadlines. Arbitrators have 30 days to rule. That can be an impossible task. You may have to ask for an extension, but then you get a bad reputation. Otherwise the award may suffer.

Interestingly, several of the issues described by Interviewee 15 were also identified by other individuals in response to earlier questions.175

4.  Changes due to dispute—domestic versus international

One of the major themes in this study involves potential differences in legal reasoning across the domestic–international divide, so the next question in this series asked interviewees who had experience in both domestic and cross-border disputes whether and to what extent their reasoning process changed, depending on the nature of the dispute. While a number of individuals had already touched on these matters earlier in the interview process, this question generated a number of interesting responses among those who routinely handled both types of disputes.176

Two respondents indicated a clear difference in how they handled domestic and international matters. For example, Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a civil law country, said there was ‘definitely’ a difference, noting,

We say ‘[domestic] arbitration in [my nation] is a judicial process with the right to receive good coffee’. We draft the award like a judicial decision with all the formalities, the nitty-gritty, long descriptions of the procedural steps, long description of legal conflicts. That’s one reason I don’t do national disputes any more.

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a common law country, also saw a difference between domestic and international decision making, but described the distinction as arising as a result of institutional influences, stating,

For example, in ICDR and AAA matters, there’s no different in reasoning, but if I do an ICC case, I have the terms of reference, issues set in stone, and may get feedback from (p. 267) the ICA Court. [There also] may be international legal precepts that force you to provide a framework that is different than what you use domestically.

However, Interviewee 4, another mixed international–domestic arbitrator with common law training, said that s/he did ‘not intentionally’ change his/her methodology, although s/he was ‘sure it does’. For example,

In international matters, I try to be sensitive to decision making processes of non-common-law trained lawyers. I can’t say what I do specifically, but the most apparent issue involves the ‘swearing contest’, which reflects different legal approaches. Most civil law lawyers view [questionable oral testimony] as the natural state of affairs and don’t listen to the witness. Common law lawyers are of course more comfortable with testimony.

Beyond that, the International Bar Association has done a terrific job of melding common law and civil law approaches.

5.  Changes due to role—panels versus single decision makers

During the design of the interview protocol, it was anticipated that some participants would identify potential differences in legal reasoning, depending on whether the individual was acting alone or as part of a panel.177 The next question therefore asked interviewees that precise question.178 No differences were anticipated or identified between judges and arbitrators, since judges at first instance typically work alone, and no differences arose depending on the type of dispute (domestic or international) or the interviewee’s legal background (common law versus civil law).

Five individuals suggested that their reasoning process might differ depending on whether they were sitting alone or as part of a panel, although those statements were made with varying degrees of confidence. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was clear that

the process changes. I prefer/enjoy panels. Depending on the chair, the process can change dramatically. For example, even before the briefing, panels may have a post-hearing discussion of general thoughts on outcome, so that’s different. Sometimes chairs take control and want to take the lead in drafting—that’s the prerogative of the chair. I like a more collaborative approach.

Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, believed that

when I’m acting as a sole arbitrator, I’m just not as good as when I’m on a panel. No matter how hard I try, I’m not as good as when I’m with two other people who have (p. 268) seen and heard the evidence and who have their own approaches. I find, with rare exceptions, my reasoning improves by hearing the reasoning of others and attempting to present my own reasoning.

This statement can be misunderstood, but there’s an intellectual competition during deliberations to improve the process. I love it when co-panellists approach the process differently and we argue strongly. It’s the internal adversary process in deliberations.

If I’m on my own, I do the best I can to try to avoid single-brain thinking.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, was a little more tentative, saying that his/her legal reasoning ‘could’ change, explaining that ‘when you’re alone, you don’t have anyone to toss ideas around with. I can see how things could change if you had others to bounce ideas off of. The process changes because in a panel, you do discuss things and the reasoning is richer as a result.’ Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that changes could arise ‘because you get input from the other two panellists’. Interviewee 16, another international judge–arbitrator, was also somewhat hesitant, noting that ‘it can do if I hear something from the other arbitrators, especially if they know more on certain subjects. So yes, but not radically. I’m open to influence.’

The majority of respondents believed that the legal reasoning process did not change depending on whether they sat alone or on a panel. Four individuals, including two from the common law and two from the civil law, provided categorical statements regarding their practices,179 while other responses were slightly more nuanced. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘the only thing is that you may have to discuss your reasoning but it doesn’t mean your reasoning changes’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, similarly noted that ‘what changes is that I have to articulate my mental landscape with a panel, and I can just work it when I’m solo’.

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, had an interesting perspective, noting that ‘I rarely act alone, though when I have two co-arbitrators, if they’re inclined to their own [appointing] parties, you kind of act alone. You must integrate different viewpoints and that may have some bearing on the outcome. Is the reasoning process different? I don’t think so, no. Not conceptually.’

Other respondents saw no difference with respect to the method of reasoning, although they thought being part of a panel might necessitate some minor changes to accommodate multiple viewpoints. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said, ‘Deliberation may differ. As a solo, you may say X issue is key, so you start with that. In a three-party deliberation, you might need a different order.’ Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, also believed that his/her reasoning did not change, although

(p. 269)

if I’m sitting with two other people, we may influence each other’s thinking. I remember a case with two people where I was insistent that there was jurisdiction on one claim and submitted my dissenting opinion and was eventually asked to rewrite that as a unanimous decision (which they had opposed before).

Other respondents had similar views about the benefits of being on a panel. For example, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, said being in a panel is ‘more comfortable because when you’re a sole arbitrator, you can maybe be one-sided or do not benefit from the input of colleagues, so the reasoning is less complete. Interaction of the panel is key for me.’

A number of respondents focused on how panel deliberations were conducted, particularly when the respondent was chair. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said.

If I’m the chair, even if I’m writing the award, we get together after the hearing and give our preliminary thoughts and break up the issues. If I’m the chair, I talk through the matter with the wings so I can incorporate any dissents or conflicting views in the award. I do as much analysis as I can then so that the draft is as close to the final award as possible.

Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he acted primarily as chair and adopted the following procedure:

Before the hearing, I make a provisional list of issues/questions and ask colleagues how/why they feel about it. This is part of forming one’s decision. You have an opinion in discussion with colleagues, then it depends on the reaction of your colleagues and yourself. You ask why you believe your position is correct, and slowly your opinion and others’ opinions are formed. It is an interaction with two colleagues. Eventually it becomes clear why you have that opinion and something you thought was important at first becomes less important (and vice versa).

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, adopted a similar approach, noting,

When I’m chair, I do an outline of issues to be resolved and discuss them one by one, or, if we jump around, I save the hardest (meaning the toughest to deliberate) until the last, because that’s when tempers can flare. The outline is very important to sort out the plan for the award. It shows where you don’t agree.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, reinforced the importance of the chair, indicating,

If I’m not the chair, I would pay particular attention to the chair. The chair usually spends more time, is the first to come up with a preliminary view and tries to give guidance. It’s helpful when the chair gives you a steer as to what to look out for.

(p. 270) Finally, some differences also appeared to arise depending on the nature of the dispute. For example, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, said,

My reasoning on the [international court] is triggered by the arguments of the parties but the real work is done by [the panel] and the reasoning is the interaction of [the panel] who discuss the case ad nauseum and in great detail.

The concern about what parties have argued in commercial cases is not as critical as in the [international court]. In commercial arbitration, you are trying to get an understandable award for the losing party (which can be both [meaning both parties could lose on certain issues]) and be satisfied by a court. At the [international court], there is no annulment procedure; you just need to address all the issues or the [international court] loses credibility.

6.  Advice from judges and arbitrators to counsel regarding the reasoning process

The final question in this series asked respondents to indicate what they wished parties and counsel knew about how judges and arbitrators approach legal reasoning. A number of individuals referred to their previous answers,180 but most respondents offered additional advice. Notably, two respondents—Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, and Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator—both said explicitly that they wished counsel knew how judges and arbitrators conducted legal reasoning. As Interviewee 20 said, ‘I wish parties knew how we reason—what are the facts, what is the evidence to support those facts, then what are the legal ramifications. Parties are starting to understand that more. That helps.’

Several arbitrators noted that counsel should do a better job in focusing their arguments. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, said counsel should understand ‘that minor issues, side issues, skirmishes in the end are un-useful and unhelpful’. Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, similarly noted that ‘they should know to put most attention on the main legal arguments so it is perfectly clear to the judges that that’s the main issue instead of trying to give everything equal weight. You shouldn’t be afraid to say what is the main argument.’

Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that

I wish counsel would recognize judges and arbitrators are lawyers themselves and will approach cases from a reasonableness/fairness perspective. They can see through the BS.

Those who are belligerent are directly opposite to the cooperative process I use. So, I say quickly that I’ll not put up with that. The scorched-earth approach is not appropriate in litigation or arbitration.

(p. 271) Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, wanted counsel to know that

generally, we anchor ourselves to legal rules of law in deciding and writing an award, so they should focus on testimony and documents and exhibits that support the legal decisions and not be concerned with emotional appeals. Don’t try a case in arbitration like you would a jury trial.

Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, similarly stated that, ‘for me, I believe every judge wants to follow the [governing law]. It is not a game. We want to follow case law. When you dress it up in other ways, you lose what I try to do, which is correctly apply [governing] law.’

Other respondents wanted counsel to appreciate how judges and arbitrators think. For example, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said, ‘We think in outlines. If you present in outline form, we will grasp what you want to convey more quickly.’ Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, wanted counsel to know ‘I’m a linear thinker’, but s/he recognized that ‘not everyone is like that’. Interviewee 11 also noted that ‘we are or should look at elements and evidence supporting those elements. It’s like putting square pegs in square holes and round pegs in round holes. If that’s difficult, you’re on the wrong thing [making a bad argument].’

Interviewee 11 made another, somewhat startling, observation, saying, ‘So many judges don’t like to make decisions but you must do it. I tell young judges the parties don’t know what do to if you don’t do it [make a decision]. You can’t always be right. Just pull the trigger.’ Other respondents—including those with no judicial experience—noted that they were very comfortable making judgment calls,181 so the ability to make decisions easily is something that appears to be more a matter of personality than function.

E.  Writing a Reasoned Decision or Award

Although the legal reasoning process is closely linked to the writing of a reasoned decision or award, the interview protocol differentiated between the two so as to allow more detailed analysis. The next series of questions therefore focused on exclusively on issues relating to the drafting process. A similar set of inquiries were posed in the survey.182

1.  Deciding whether to write a reasoned decision or award

Although the issue is not often discussed in the legal literature, judges and arbitrators do not write fully reasoned decisions and awards in all circumstances.183 Instead, (p. 272) judges frequently write unreasoned judicial memoranda or orders in addition to entering oral decisions from the bench, while arbitrators issue procedural orders and ‘standard’ awards that typically reflect very little in the way of reasoning.184 Even those rulings that are fully reasoned are not always published, either in judicial or arbitral reporters.185

Given the lack of information about which disputes merit fully reasoned rulings, it was considered useful to ask about the factors that influence the determination to write a fully reasoned decision or award. Most of the answers focused on standard features of litigation and arbitration, including those relating to the creation of precedent in litigation and the role that party agreement plays in arbitration. For example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, reflected what might be called the purely judicial perspective, saying, ‘We are not writing a reasoned decision unless it’s dispositive (bench trial, summary judgment, etc.). All else can be resolved in one page. I can’t give a well-reasoned decision on motion for extension of time and get everything else done.’

Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, reinforced these principles, stating,

As a judge, if you think it’s important to set precedent, you’re always going to write. Some matters are just minor, and you’re not doing to write [a full opinion], for example, for discovery matters. You [write reasoned opinions] on those items you think need to be in the record or if you think there will be an appeal. Some judges forget that and rule from the bench. The court of appeals doesn’t like oral decisions.

Conversely, nearly all of the respondents with arbitral experience indicated that they provided reasoned awards because of obligations placed on the arbitrator by the parties, either expressly in the arbitration agreement or implicitly through arbitral rules adopted by the parties.186 One respondent—Interviewee 16, an international (p. 273) judge–arbitrator—also noted that jurisdictional requirements could be relevant, stating that

you always have to do a reasoned award in Switzerland and most European countries. How long? Depends on the complexity of the case (although it can be complex and short), depends on the nature of the case. For example, construction cases need to be longer, with longer facts. The degree of formality required or not [varies] by arbitral institution—they have their [individual] obsessions.

2.  Deciding how much detail to include in a reasoned decision or award

The interview protocol was not limited to questions about whether to write a reasoned decision or award. Instead, respondents were asked to and most did provide additional information about how they determined the amount of detail that went into those rulings.

Several respondents focused on issues relating to the possibility of appeal or review.187 For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, said that

I can count on one hand the times I did not have a reasoned award, and in those circumstances, the parties said they explicitly did not want a reasoned award.

I go into enough detail to make sure parties know you understand the case so the award withstands a challenge. In the old days, the AAA discouraged reasoned awards because it gave the loser a hook for the challenge. The alternative is now true—if you have a decision that is not well reasoned, the parties can say the arbitrator did not understand or intentionally disregarded the law. When you’re writing, one always thinks about judicial review.

Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, reflected this approach, indicating that ‘the more likely the award is to be reviewed, the more details I will include’. However, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, still followed the older technique, noting that,

to me, a reasoned award has internal breakdowns. It doesn’t just give the total outcomes. I do that when I’m asked to or [when there’s] obviously a third-party player who needs to know [the outcome of the dispute]. For example, an insurance carrier may be involved and will only cover some issues. I need to be clear so the insurer knows what’s covered.

I use ‘full reasoning’ rarely. I didn’t become a judge because as an arbitrator I don’t need to explain myself. If you explain yourself in the current legal environment, you’re more likely to be challenged. I’ll do a legally reasoned award in unusual circumstances, only when cutting-edge issues are involved.

(p. 274) Other differences arose across the judicial–arbitral divide. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that,

as a judge, you’re subject to appeal, so you maybe write more detailed judgments and orders, and you may cite more law because the court of appeal will be looking at that more closely.

As an arbitrator, there is no appeal, so you have to be just as careful, but you don’t need every detail tied down like a trial court. Also, the parties often tell you if they want a short, reasoned opinion—they don’t want to pay for a scholarly opinion. On a $400 million case, I wrote a 72-page opinion—that was the exception.

When discussing the amount of detail they used, most respondents focused on the complexity of the dispute and the need to keep the award in proportion to the cost and size of the dispute. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said,

Whether this is 15 pages or 200 pages depends on how many issues need to be decided (sometimes there’s only one) and how much law or fact needs to be unpacked (maybe a statute of limitations analysis can decide everything). Length is driven by what needs to be decided.

I’m doing the parties a disservice if I give 200 pages on a single issue. A short award for a complex issue is equally problematic, since it will be conclusory.

I’m also influenced by the timetable and amount in dispute. I would never let amount in dispute generate a sloppy or unenforceable award, but I think about what the parties expect. If they have 800-page memorials, they don’t want a ten-page award and vice versa.

Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that,

regarding detail—that’s determined by the complexity of the case and the volume of evidence and the extent to which the evidence conflicts. Also, the difficulty, if any, in applying the law to the facts as the tribunal determines them. All depends on what we’ve heard—whether it’s a simple case with one to two issues or a more complex matter.

This approach was not limited to those handling international matters. Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that, ‘regarding length, as a judge—the complexity of the case matters. The more you need to decide, the longer the decision will be. In [my home jurisdiction], you don’t want to do two hundred to five hundred-page decisions very often.’ Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, also indicated that

the detail depends on several factors. I can do a summary or more extensive award. It depends on how parties plead the case. If they do a lot, they probably expect the (p. 275) same detail from the arbitrators. It also depends on the stakes. The amount in dispute or issues that are raised on principle or that are relevant to other international arbitrations, such as public [treaty-based] arbitrations. Some issues are more complex. Some outcomes are more or less obvious. If they’re not obvious, you explain more.

Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, had similar views, noting that

other than a few settings like high-volume consumer settings with the AAA, I can’t remember where I didn’t put some reasoning into the award. Seldom do parties want me to simply provide a dollar amount alone. I don’t remember the last time I didn’t provide some reasoning.

The next most significant factor is that the size and length and degree of analysis in the written award has to bear some proportion to the amount in dispute. It’s less of an issue for me now that so few of my cases are small (less than several hundreds of thousands of dollars). However, it’s critical that all parts of the process consider accessibility of the disputants to the process. I will not write one hundred pages for a $100,000 dispute (overstating the matter somewhat, but you get the idea).

Other than that, I do my best to make the award short and communicate my reasoning about what the parties need to know.

Other respondents focused on the need to write succinctly. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said,

The AAA says reasoned awards do not include findings of fact or conclusions of law—you just need to explain the findings in your award. Unless required by the arbitration agreement, findings of fact and conclusions of law are not necessary as a general rule. The award should be as succinct as possible.

Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly said,

If the rules or clause don’t [mandate a reasoned award] and parties did not ask for it, then I think [the deciding factor is] whether it would be helpful or not to the parties, whether the cost of award would justify writing it versus what is at stake. If the clause provides for it, [the amount of detail] depends on what the parties’ arguments are, the complexities of the matter, how much is at stake.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, echoed these sentiments, noting that ‘regarding detail, it depends on the case. I try to keep my awards as short as possible.’

Other responses included a statement from Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, who said, ‘It’s a matter of experience. I know what to do to include reasoning. I’m very careful about it. I make sure that I have reasoned the decision on all claims and addressed claims of parties directly or indirectly.’ Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, took the view that ‘a reasoned award should be consistent, concise, (p. 276) clear and deal with all relevant issues—not too complicated, because that would mean the reasoning is weak’.

3.  Deciding how to draft a reasoned decision or award

Once a judge or arbitrator decides to draft a reasoned decision or award and determines the requisite amount of detail, s/he must determine how to structure the analysis. The next question in this series therefore asked respondents to discuss how they went about drafting reasoned decisions or awards. No discernible difference arose along any of the comparative axes (judicial–arbitral, domestic–international, and common law–civil law). Instead, interviewees appeared to follow their own individual preferences.

Several respondents indicated that they had a standardized routine that they used when drafting a decision or award.188 For example, Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that

post-hearing, I get the brief and transcript. Often, I’m constrained by time because the agreement has a time deadline [for issuing the award]. I follow my format: background details, then position statement by each party, combination of facts and arguments, then I set out my findings of fact and make comments, then I reach conclusions of law, then I go into my rationale, where I take two sets of facts, my findings of facts and work them into a discussion with the law, then I list my award—who gets money. It’s a form in the sense of headings but the guts are different for each case.

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, noted that

I don’t have a template but create an outline/table of contents and start filling it in. I do the procedural history first—that forces you to remember development of the case. You lose that if the tribunal secretary does the procedural history.

Then I turn to the analysis and also do a summary of party contentions to help remind me of key cases and exhibits. I’ll take notes during the hearing on [the anticipated] outcome but won’t write that section until after [I’ve done] others because your gut may be wrong.

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, adopted a similar approach, saying,

I try to draft the preliminary sections ahead of time—who are the parties, what are their positions, etc.—so that after the hearing I can focus on resolution of the legal issues. I also go back in and fill in section on the oral testimony and the rest of the parties’ submissions.(p. 277)

I have a section that I call the parking lot at the end of the draft—these are items that I am not sure about. I throw them into the parking lot, and when I’m done with the award, I’ll review the parking lot and often find treasures there.

I also bracket material a lot. If I’m the chair and I’m not sure if we want to include something as a group, and if I have three options, I’ll put them all in to help with deliberations.

Other individuals approached the drafting process from what might be called a substantive perspective.189 For example, Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, characterized his/her writing process as ‘IRAC-heavy. I identify the issues the moving party (or whoever has the burden) has raised and address each of those in decision serially.’190 Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from the civil law tradition, adopted a somewhat similar approach, indicating that

usually I draft issue by issue. If there are lots of legal issues, I start with a chapter on legal issues so that my ideas are clear on the law, then I go issue by issue or chapter by chapter. However, it depends on the type of case. For example, I have had construction cases with two hundred issues.

Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

In commercial dispute, only rarely is there a disputed legal standard because most of the body of law is contract law; regulatory issues may be different. [If the dispute turns on the] application of the contract, not much is in legal controversy, so I will focus more on facts then. The process is iterative in those cases. I use the record to flesh out what parties are saying. Sometimes as I write the story of the facts, I get a clearer view.

Other respondents sought the parties’ assistance in the drafting process. Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, used that approach, noting,

If it’s a significant case and I’m dealing with lawyers who understand the process, I will ask them for findings of fact and conclusions of law. However, I won’t do that if they use it as an additional opportunity for advocacy or if my colleagues on the panel dislike that method. Many arbitrators do not do this.

I request all written submissions to be in Word (not pdfs) so that I can get citations, etc. in digital form. I don’t pull out the arguments of the parties but if they have a (p. 278) concise quotable legal authority, I’ll start there by constructing the legal principle as a freestanding matter.

Sometimes, depending on the arbitral rules and what the institutions require, I may construct ‘shell’ portions of the award regarding the parties’ positions that are pulled from the submissions.

To me, I never know whether I’ll start with the outcome following a series of recitations or whether I’ll go issue by issue. It depends on the case or if I’m on a panel.

Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, also relied heavily on party submissions, stating,

I’m a big fan of post-hearing briefs. You have to read more, but the briefs tell you what the parties think is important. Then I sketch the key issues, give the parties’ arguments and then my conclusion. I feel strongly that post-hearing briefs are excellent. Not all arbitrators think that, but in most complicated cases, they have multiple twists, and post-hearing briefs give the parties the chance to connect the dots for the arbitrator.

Finally, some respondents used a combination of approaches. For example, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said,

I break it down—start with the introduction and background (what happened), background facts, law that’s important—and do that first. Sometimes I outline before I start writing, so I have a path to follow. Sometimes I delve into it from the briefs and arguments. In significant cases, where I have arguments after post-hearing briefing, the argument is excellent—they really help (along with my questions), and the panel is prepared to listen carefully and have questions in mind.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly stated,

After mulling it around a lot and depending on my soul-searching, I start making notes to myself—there may be lines I want to use. I will outline (for me) where I think I’m going. Sometimes I put [down] all the headings (like an outline) and these may change—what are the questions in dispute (for example, was the option exercised, was the exercise properly done, etc.)—then I fill in sections trying to go from beginning to end. For me, it is hard to go back to fill in sections that I skipped, so I proceed in a linear fashion.

It depends also on if this is a 10-page sports award or an 80-page decision with lots of facts.

Some respondents incorporated an iterative element into the drafting process. For example, Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that

ninety-nine per cent of [a first-instance judicial decision] is drafted first by the clerk. This is a little more true of appellate courts as well, sadly—sad because they have (p. 279) nothing else to do other than write opinions. [Judge Richard] Posner was famous for writing his first drafts.

Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, made a similar comment, indicating,

There’s a difference between [an international court] and arbitration. In arbitration, there’s difference between whether you’re acting as the chair or not.

If I’m the chair and my colleagues anticipate a draft from me, my clerk will be familiar with deliberations because he or she has sat in on them (this happens infrequently) or I’ve given an oral or written readout of the outcome of the deliberations [to my clerk]. Then I sit down with my clerk and outline what’s to be in the award and how it’s to be written. The clerk then does a draft, and I make a mess of it with a blue pencil—partly because it needs to sound like me, and every arbitrator has his or her own style. Once I have a draft, I circulate it to colleagues, they make comments, and I finalize.

If I’m party-appointed, then after deliberations we see an award and comment on it.

On a multi-person court, there are deliberations and the president of the tribunal has the responsibility of preparing the award, which is circulated in draft to the other judges.

Interviewees 8 and 15 both came from the common law tradition. However, their drafting techniques were not that different from those discussed by respondents from civil law backgrounds. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, said that s/he

starts with [panel] deliberations. I take notes of deliberations and have pre-deliberation notes. Generally, I have uncontroversial points (all except the discussion or part of the discussion) drafted before deliberations. Then I draft parts myself or give instructions to my assistant to do a first draft on the basis of the deliberations and my summary of the deliberations. I work a lot on the framework, but I could tell an assistant to do things. It’s a long process, and I go to my co-arbitrators who may have issues or comments.

Interviewee 18, another international judge–arbitrator, indicated that, in his/her experience,

normally the chair writes [the reasoned decision or award]. You get the feeling of your colleagues at the hearing or stay half a day afterwards to go over the questions to be solved. You get your gut feelings. Sometimes, if you get along very well and they [your colleagues] are reasonable, then you may be able to divide the drafting work. The drafting is done by the chair, who submits the draft to colleagues, and then you go over the submissions of the parties to make sure that you’ve covered everything.

(p. 280) 4.  Changing the outcome during the drafting process

According to the legal literature, the process of writing a reasoned decision or award helps assure a ‘better’, meaning more accurate, outcome.191 This theory suggests that judges and arbitrators can and sometimes do change their minds during the process of drafting a reasoned decision or award.192 The next series of questions tested this hypothesis by asking respondents whether they had ever changed their mind about the outcome of a dispute when writing a reasoned decision or award, how frequently such changes occurred and why such changes arose.

a.  Whether and to what extent changes occur

Most respondents indicated that changes in the outcome could possibly occur or did occur, although Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, sagely noted, ‘Do we call it changing minds or seeing the light?’193 Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, was the only one who changed his/her mind frequently, saying, ‘It happens very often, either to a small extent or to the extent of changing the outcome’. Interviewee 4 also noted that s/he was often influenced by the thinking of co-arbitrators.

Those individuals who indicated that they made changes as a result of the reasoning process typically noted that the changes were relatively minor. For example, Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said, ‘I have not changed about who wins, though it could happen. However, I have changed my mind about weight to give to individual factors.’ Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, indicated that ‘I can remember changing my mind on parts, but I can’t remember changing my mind 100 per cent. As sole arbitrator, I cannot recall changing my mind 180 degrees while writing. Maybe 90 degrees, since I usually have more than one issue or claim.’ Interviewee 8, another international judge–arbitrator, noted that

I’ve certainly changed my mind in the process of deliberations or the award being drafted. Sometimes it can be not clear in my mind which way to go and I can be persuaded. This can happen anywhere along the way—hearing to deliberation to awards. If we have differences on the tribunal and I’m alone in my thinking, I’ve been persuaded by my colleagues.

The responses of Interviewees 8 and 16 suggest that the process of deliberation among a multi-person panel can affect the outcome, thereby supporting the preference of some practitioners and commentators for arbitral tribunals over sole decision makers.194 However, this phenomenon does not support the suggestion by some that (p. 281) arbitrators are less capable than judges or less reliant on the law,195 particularly since at least one respondent who changed his/her mind as a result of input from others was a domestic judge.196 Instead, these reports reinforce research from the social sciences about the difference between solitary and group decision-making processes.197

The vast majority of respondents indicated that they changed their minds extremely rarely.198 For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted that ‘I can remember changing my mind about an issue, and I had a few panels where we disagreed. Generally, after the hearing I know where I am headed. I keep an open mind but I rarely change my mind about the outcome after the hearing concludes.’ Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, and Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, both indicated that they changed their minds in around 10 per cent of their cases, while Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, estimated his/her change rate at less than 20 per cent.

Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge who conferred frequently with his/her law clerks, appeared to change his/her mind most frequently, indicating that such changes happened ‘about two times a month’.199 Not only does this statement suggest that judges are as susceptible of change as arbitrators, it also generates questions about potential differences between judges and arbitrators due to the well-established preference among parties for arbitrators who are strong-minded and less likely to be swayed by colleagues.200

b.  Why do changes occur

The next question focused on why judges and arbitrators changed their minds when drafting reasoned decisions and awards. Although some individuals found it difficult to enunciate their motivations,201 others provided useful insights into the judicial and arbitral reasoning process.

(p. 282) Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, enunciated the rationale of several individuals when s/he said that ‘when I put pen to paper, the argument may not hold together’. Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly indicated that ‘it’s like writing an essay—sometimes (rarely) it just doesn’t write. As you write, you find it hard to support your argument. If it’s too hard, you can’t go there, so you may need to go the other way.’ Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, also believed that ‘the proof is in the pudding. When you write down the award, you may change your mind.’

Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, recognized the connection between writing and reasoning, noting that changes occur ‘because something sounds right from all you’ve been listening to, but as you write the award, you ask yourself, did I read that right, did I give enough credence to the defence, etc. and see how it all writes’. Interviewee 3, a civil law international arbitrator, experienced the same phenomenon, noting that,

in a number of cases, it is in writing the award that you know how to reason it. For example, when you’re on a panel, you may think the issue is X, but when you write and review the documents, you see whether you have the evidence to support that outcome.

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, reinforced this concept, saying,

You may think a document is helpful, but as you write, you remember other items that are important, too, so the emphasis may shift, or on re-reading cases, I may see [one decision is] just parroting another case that is distinguishable.

Writing has a testing function. It has never caused me to change my mind, but it has confirmed my analysis.

Some individuals, such as Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that they ‘learn the facts better’ during the writing process. Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly noted that ‘I’ve gone in with certain preconceptions that evidence at hearing overcomes’. Others, such as Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, change their minds because they notice during the writing process that they have double-counted certain elements.202

Some respondents focused on legal issues. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, changed his/her mind as a result of

perspectives I didn’t recognize during the hearing, usually because I didn’t understand the law. I don’t get oral argument at the end in commercial cases. Occasionally I say to (p. 283) counsel, in front of clients, ‘These are the issues I need briefed.’ I do that 10 to 15 per cent of the time. I pose questions both ways so that they won’t read into my questions.

As Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, noted, ‘If you’re writing, you track the issues as you go. As a judge, several times I gave an order from the bench, and twice as I was giving the ruling orally, I talked myself out of it and had to reverse course. This happened twice in 15 years.’

Other respondents focused on the dynamics associated with group deliberations. For example, Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, said that if a difference of opinion existed after deliberations, ‘and I was clear on my side, then it [the analysis] just does not work during the drafting process. In those cases, I go back to my co-arbitrators, and I go home to look at the materials and then make my decision.’

F.  Judicial and Arbitral Education Relating to Legal Reasoning

According to the legal literature, many judges and arbitrators do not undertake specialized educational programming relating to reasoning and drafting decisions and awards.203 The final topic of discussion in the interviews therefore focused the process of learning to write a reasoned decision or award, not only to increase the legal community’s understanding of how information about the nature of reasoned decisions and awards is conveyed within the judicial and arbitral communities, but also to determine how judicial and arbitral education on this subject might be improved. Many of the issues discussed in the interviews were also raised in the survey so as to allow cross-study comparisons.204

1.  How respondents learned to draft reasoned decisions and awards

The first question in this series focused on how interviewees learned to write a reasoned decision or award, a question that was also asked on the survey.205 This inquiry sought to determine whether judges and arbitrators learn primarily through formal, standardized methods of education or whether more informal processes such as those involving socialization or acculturation predominate.206 Notably, the interview protocol focused exclusively on interviewees’ beliefs about how they learned to write reasoned decisions and awards and did not seek to test the effectiveness of any particular mechanism.

According to the responses, most judges and arbitrators did not learn to write reasoned decisions and awards through formal means. Indeed, a number of individuals indicated that they had never taken any coursework on this subject,207 with Interviewee 15, a (p. 284) common law domestic judge–arbitrator, dismissing the need or value of such coursework, claiming, ‘Either you’re good or you’re not. Some judges never learned to write.’ Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, similarly said that said s/he learned to write reasoned awards ‘by experience. I never had a problem with it. I have had no awards overturned.’

Some individuals who had taken such coursework indicated that they found it useful. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that s/he had taken

multiple AAA courses in my early time as an arbitrator. Used to be in person—usually went every one to two years. Over time, I went to ABA arbitration training courses. The last ten years, I took lots of CLEs on how to write.

Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, had a similar experience, noting,

I did not go to judge school (I was a judge first). I went through the CIArb Fellowship course—heavy emphasis on award writing, and you must take a test at the end. I took that course right at the beginning of my career. There I learned the difference between an award and a decision.

Other people indicated that they took some form of coursework but did not find it helpful.208 Many of these individuals indicated that their learning came by watching more experienced arbitrators and/or by reading decisions or awards. Thus, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated s/he had learned ‘first, by watching others and reading judicial decisions. Later, by applying advocacy skills to writing—the skills apply equally to writing.’ Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, said, ‘I taught myself. I saved the good awards that were delivered in cases of mine when I was counsel. I didn’t take any courses.’ Interviewee 2, another international arbitrator, said that s/he learned

by reading [awards] as counsel. I have [also] flipped through guidance documents—arbitral checklists from ICCA [International Council for Commercial Arbitration],209 IBA Arb40 [International Bar Association Arbitration Committee for Under-40s],210 etc. I do not follow a template; I just develop my style independently.

Many judges appeared to have the used the same approach. For example, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that s/he learned through ‘practice, (p. 285) practice, practice. You read appellate cases as a lawyer and as a judge, see how they do it. That’s the model, especially as a judge.’ However, other judges, such as Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, indicated that s/he had taken several courses on writing reasoned decisions through formal judicial education programs.211 This difference may have arisen because Interviewee 9 and Interviewee 11 worked as judges in different legal systems, but it may also be due to the fact that many common law judges are not required to take any judicial education courses before or after their elevation to the bench.212 Even those individuals, such as Interviewee 15, who work in judicial systems that strongly encourage participation in judicial orientation training do not always take advantage of the opportunities presented to them, a phenomenon that may be explained by what is referred to as ‘judicial hubris’.213

Some of the individuals who had engaged in professional education programs suggested that training techniques have changed over the course of time. For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said s/he learned to write reasoned awards in a

couple ways. In the early years of my arbitral career, I was introduced to arbitration via construction arbitration, which had only a handful of arbitrators. I sat with some excellent arbitrators during that time. Back then, there were those in the field who discouraged giving reasons in awards (this was 30 years ago), but I sat with some excellent arbitrators who did give reasons, and I learned how to do that by observing good legal writers.

Then the time came when domestic institutions began to offer programs on award writing, and I took some of them 20 years ago.

In the international realm, I saw the different sets of rules and the different approach. I took the CIArb three- to four-day Fellowship program that included crafting an award as a part of a proctored exam. The CIArb training discussed the different sections of an award and is a well-structured approach to international awards. I was then exposed to award-writing in different settings—ICSID [International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes], ICC, etc. Each has its own approach, and I’ve learned from fabulous arbitrators and institutions over the year. I keep learning.

Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, had a similar experience, noting s/he learned through

experience: serving on three-person panels with more experienced people and seeing how they did it. The AAA has had training sessions that have been valuable over the (p. 286) years. Other arbitration seminars have helped. However, I developed my own style from the beginning and stuck with that. My first classes with the AAA were in the mid-1980s.

Although many judges and arbitrators learned to write reasoned decisions and awards as a result of their experience as counsel and/or as a judge or arbitrator, several respondents mentioned another form of experience—that of acting as a law clerk—as being useful. Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said that, ‘very simply’, his/her education had begun by ‘working for a judge. I clerked for a brilliant judge. I also was a staff attorney at court, and we drafted sometimes for the judges. My boss was a great writer. I learned from him.’ Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, similarly stated that s/he had learned during his/her clerkship from both the judge and the senior clerk, noting that the senior clerk ‘told me the form. It’s not any different than what’s taught in law school or seen in [appellate] case law. Follow IRAC, don’t write a law review article.’

Interestingly, when answering this question, a number of individuals failed to distinguish between good writing skills as a general proposition and writing reasoned decisions and awards,214 a phenomenon that was also seen in certain responses to the survey.215 For example, although Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, did say that s/he learned ‘by practice [and] time—sitting down and doing it over and over’, s/he also noted that

I am forever grateful for a freshman counsellor in undergraduate college who helped my writing, and I go back to those principles. When I was a young [professional], a more senior person said ‘your [writing] goes in circles’. That hurt my feelings, but he was right, and I tried to make my discussions have a beginning, middle and end. Criticism has taught me.

Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, offered a similar response, stating,

My basic academic writing started at [university]—doing first, second, third drafts—something I continue to do. Everything has three drafts.

I draft by hand, not computer, since I think computer screens look too neat and you lose your self-criticism. If you write by hand, you feel the pain and can change the text more easily.

As a follow-up question, those respondents who had taken a course on writing reasoned decisions or awards were asked why they did so. Most indicated that the courses (p. 287) were mandatory if the individual in question was to remain a judge or arbitrator or if the individual wished to obtain certain professional credentials. Thus, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that s/he took the CIArb course ‘because it was mandatory for Fellowship’ and possibly certain AAA training ‘because it was mandatory for staying on the roster’. Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, similarly indicated that s/he took ‘maybe a mandatory AAA course to get on the roster ten years ago to fulfil a requirement, but that’s not where I learned my skills. CIArb—I have taught the course for Fellows but never took it. Teaching classes is useful.’ Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, indicated that s/he had received training as part of a strongly recommended orientation course for new judges in his/her legal system, although Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator from the same jurisdiction, had opted not to take that course.

2.  Advice regarding the drafting process

The next question in the series asked respondents to identify what they wished they had known when they first started writing reasoned decisions or awards. Several individuals could not think of anything in response to this question,216 and a few indicated that they already knew everything they needed to know as a judge or arbitrator as a result of their earlier experiences.217 However, several individuals did provide substantive suggestions.

First, several individuals mentioned that they wished they had known more about gauging the appropriate length of a reasoned decision or award. Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, cited the old adage, ‘If I had more time, I’d have written a shorter document,’ and noted that, in his court,

we have that time, so we aim to get quickly to the decision. Winning or losing is important, but how you get there is also important. I don’t have to explain everything, but I need to say why I arrived here—I need to strike a balance. That’s the justice system.

Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said s/he wished s/he had been aware of the ‘mantra “the more you write the less sure you are” ’. As a result, Interviewee 13, like Interviewee 9, now ‘aim[ed] for brevity’.

Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator, also found him/herself ‘struggling to keep the award short and simple when cases are complicated or over-lawyered’. However, Interviewee 17 was not sure whether s/he was writing longer decisions and awards because the disputes were becoming more complex or because ‘I’ve become more critical’.

(p. 288) These statements about length are intriguing, given that arbitral awards have long been criticized on the grounds that they are both shorter and less analytically rigorous than judicial decisions,218 although the coding exercise that was conducted as part of this study suggested that decisions and awards do not differ significantly with respect to length when the dispute is of a commercial nature.219

Another series of comments focused on process considerations. For example, Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, said,

I wish I’d followed a colleague’s advice to do the vanilla parts of an award [the procedural history, parties, etc.] first. When I don’t do that beforehand, I regret it. If you have done the facts first and actually laid out the key parts, you’re more prepared for the hearing. That takes a long time to do. After the hearing, it’s more important to get into the second part of the award (the legal analysis).

Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly noted that when s/he began working as an adjudicator, ‘I was naïve. What I now know is that it takes more time than you think’ to produce a reasoned decision or award.

Other respondents focused on cooperation with the parties. For example, Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that ‘I wish I had thought about involving the parties in addressing the issues as I do now. Early on, I decided the parties should do research that leads up to reasoning in the final award.’ Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, indicated that s/he wished s/he had known ‘not to reach a conclusion until you’re pretty much through the process. [Also,] don’t be afraid to ask for views post-hearing as long as you include both parties in the discussion.’

Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated that s/he wished s/he had known ‘who the audience was [and the] importance of due process in court/annulment committees in reviewing the award’. Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, wished that s/he had known ‘maybe [to] include more facts’, while Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, said that s/he wished s/he had known

first, how important it is to have an overview of where the evidence is—not just the general facts, but what the documents say. It helps with the hearing and with writing the award. Second, I wish I’d known how stressful it is—some cases are easy, but some are not.

3.  Need for educational programming

The next question in this series asked respondents whether they thought judges and arbitrators would benefit from educational programming on reasoned decisions or (p. 289) awards, assuming judicial and arbitral independence were respected in the design of the program. This question was also included in the survey.220

While one individual categorically denied the need for educational programming,221 most people were in favour of additional training relating to reasoned decisions or awards.222 For example, Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, said that ‘of course’ there was a need, since s/he had ‘seen some judges trying to make the transition [to arbitration] and do an awful job’, which suggested that ‘they would benefit greatly’ from additional instruction. Interviewee 4 also said that ‘I still enjoy programs that have brand-new content and formats, especially if they have a drafting component, since that helps refresh my understanding of issues involving drafting’.

Although many respondents were in favour of additional coursework, Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, put his/her finger on the crux of the issue, stating, ‘Yes—we all have something to learn. Whether I’d attend, I don’t know. I flatter myself that I think I know how to do it.’ This statement shows an admirable understanding of the ‘bias blind spot’, meaning the ability to see faults or biases in others but not in oneself.223

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, also identified problems with his/her colleagues, noting that it was ‘hard to say “no” [to the need for more education] because some arbitrators write sloppy awards and are overturned’. However, Interviewee 2 believed that ‘for many experienced arbitrators, the coursework is less important than taking care and taking time’. In particular, Interviewee 2 noted that ‘arbitrators need not to have too much on their docket [since] that creates errors’.

Concerns about time pressures also came up with Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator who was also in favour of educational programming. Interviewee 1 believed that ‘many awards and decisions are poorly written’, largely because

too many lawyers are taught to write by law professors. Generally, law professors don’t have practical experience, so they write in a way that is not as helpful as it could be. Law review writing is like building a house: very structured, with the roof put on last.

Practical writing [is different.] Time pressures mean you get the roof up first and deal with the most important points even if it is not in logical order, then go back and fill in gaps. [You] write the important bits first in case you run out of time and space.

(p. 290) Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator who was in favour of additional coursework, had a slightly different perspective on the question of judicial and arbitral education. S/he said,

To me, what is probably the most difficult is not to write but to conduct the process—you want to get a unanimous award, so you need to think about what concessions you can make and should make. Sometimes I make concessions and regret it. Writing is easy alone in my study.

Although many respondents supported increasing judicial and arbitral education, others noted certain difficulties that might arise with implementing such a plan. For example, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, believed that judges and arbitrators would ‘probably’ benefit from additional coursework, although

the reasoning of awards does not have an international standard, and it is not the same in all jurisdictions. So, any program on this would have to be aimed at different countries or groups of countries (for example, civil law versus common law countries), but not the whole world.

Other problems might arise as a matter of individual personalities. For example, Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, noted that s/he had attended a particular ‘program on drafting [and] got something from it, but lots of other arbitrators were arguing back against the suggestions. Overall, I’d say “sure”, if you self-select—it shouldn’t be mandatory. Should be voluntary.’

Other respondents also cast doubt on the usefulness of educational programming as a general proposition. For example, Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, said that ‘I suppose there are some who could benefit, but I tend to think it’s pretty simple, and most judges who have come to the bench with considerable experience at the bar should know how to do it’. Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was equally sceptical, noting,

I don’t think judges need training. Most [national] judges are prominent, experienced lawyers who are presumed to know this type of thing, but the vast number of [local or regional] court judges who are selected in other ways probably could use some coursework.

For arbitrators—I don’t know enough. They often don’t have [decades of] experience on the bench, but they’re probably good and prominent lawyers.

When I [was acting as a judge and] chose a special master—they were good lawyers but had never written a judicial decision. They put too much of their thinking into the decision, and I told them to go straight to the decision.

Those who did not explain their motivation in their initial response were asked in a follow-up question why they did or did not support educational programming (p. 291) regarding legal reasoning. Responses varied, with some individuals focusing on systemic considerations. Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was in favour of additional programming because ‘writing good decisions is an important thing—that’s how you communicate and gives integrity to the justice system, be it court or arbitration’. Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, was of a similar mind, saying,

It helps to have some conformity in how awards are written, both with respect to format and how the reasons are applied. Some institutions (AAA and JAMS) will look at draft awards and make suggestions on format or on how issues are addressed, but the more you know ahead of time, the better.

Other people focused on more individual concerns. For example, Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, believed that ‘those with training will generally do better and gain more respect in the arbitral community’. Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, said,

First-level judges often do not have reasoning skills—I’m sorry but it’s true—and what I see is that they have taken the party briefs and used that as their order even if it doesn’t match up with the outcome. I don’t think they know what they’re doing. I don’t see that with appellate judges.

4.  Type of educational programming

The last question in this series asked what kind of programming respondents believed would be most beneficial for judges and arbitrators seeking to learn more about writing reasoned decisions and awards. The survey asked a similar question to allow for cross-study comparison.224

A number of individuals focused on the need to identify best practices in legal reasoning and drafting, such as through the provision of exemplars. Thus, Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, suggested ‘being given models of what experts believe to be good awards in different categories of cases, as well as examples of bad awards. The ICC process of scrutiny goes a long way towards educating arbitrators on what are best practices. That’s why ICC and SIAC are valuable institutions.’ Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly suggested that judges and arbitrators ‘study well-written and not-well-written awards and identify the problems’. Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, also supported ‘courses that present best practices and warnings’.

Other respondents focused on the need for hands-on, experiential learning.225 As Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator noted, ‘The most difficult programs are those that are hands-on, but they are an important component of any (p. 292) training process. Examples of things that can go wrong are also useful, but you learn the most from making the error yourself.’ Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, similarly stated that ‘interactive/experiential is good. Writing up your own draft awards and discussing those drafts with participants is valuable.’

Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, provided some more tangible suggestions in this regard, indicating that the best courses involved ‘writing exercises: 15-minute fact vignettes followed by 30 minutes in which to do outlines. If you did six of those in a day, maybe with group or private critique, you could make forward progress.’ Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, ‘found the CIArb [drafting] course extremely valuable’ for precisely this reason, since ‘it goes through issues, makes you write, then critique’ your writing.

Other respondents focused on the substantive issues that they thought should be covered in judicial or arbitral education. For example, Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator, said courses

need to be oriented to [actual] practice. I’m just back from [a developing nation], where I was a trainer for the High Court bench. They just adopted [certain international instruments and model laws, and] they needed the judges to be trained on how to interpret those documents. I spent a day talking about the difference between litigation and arbitration at the interlocutory and final level.

Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said that instructors should focus on teaching judges and arbitrators ‘how to put the square peg in the square hole. Don’t ramble. Keep focused. I’ve seen people give the whole history of contract law. No one wants to pay for that or read it. It makes you look like a fool.’ Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, said that it ‘depends on who you’re targeting. If new arbitrators, then focus on: one, required elements for enforceability; two, overturned cases—what mistakes are made. Scare tactics lodge deeply in their minds.’

G.  Forward-Looking Proposals

The final question in the interview protocol asked whether there were any topics relating to reasoned decisions or awards that had not been covered but that should be addressed. While many respondents said that there were no additional items to discuss,226 other individuals provided useful suggestions for academics, advocates, and policy makers.

Several people focused on areas that could benefit from additional scholarly research. For example, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator, suggested (p. 293) ‘maybe something about the role of tribunal secretaries in drafting’. Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, suggested inquiries into the ‘impact of oral advocacy on arbitration’, based in part on his/her view (echoed by numerous others)227 that ‘hyperbole and exaggeration of points is not helpful’. Interviewee 1 also noted that ‘written documents are more useful to me because oral advocacy simplifies the issues, and it’s hard [for counsel] to direct me to items in the record’, since ‘oral advocacy summarizes facts and is not as well connected to the record as written advocacy’.

Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator, noted that ‘some mistakes made in this area [legal reasoning] are not because arbitrators don’t know any better, it’s because they’re overworked. It would be interesting in future to explore [the impact of] arbitral dockets [on the nature and quality of reasoned awards] and length of awards’ as well as any effect that scheduling concerns have on ‘successful challenges.’228 Interviewee 2 also noted that the conventional wisdom that ‘a short award could be “more” enforceable’ may in fact be ‘a plea for more careful awards’. Indeed, Interviewee 2 was of the view that

the quality of awards must reflect not only questions about the ideal but also whether the ideal can be done in reality. How much time does it take, what do you do it you don’t have time—the ‘oh my god’ realities. Most arbitrators don’t sacrifice quality, but it would be interesting to know what people do.

Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, said,

You should ask whether arbitrators always feel constrained by the law or whether they believe they have latitude to do justice. I’m not sure every arbitrator thinks the same way on that. They probably think they follow the rule of law but they don’t. For me, I try to follow the rule of law and not deviate. I don’t know if that’s right or not, but I suspect that if you polled occasional arbitrators (meaning those with only one or two [proceedings] a year), they’re not as concerned about that.

Notably, the survey specifically addressed a number of these issues.229

Several people provided practical advice to adjudicators and advocates. For example, Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator, indicated that

I find [drafting reasoned awards] more difficult because I see wrinkles in cases I wouldn’t have seen if I were younger. I’d say to counsel: you will get more points if you realize these issues are difficult. Simply telling me this is an open and shut case is not persuasive because there are lots of different elements. Many lawyers are trained to make that type of argument, but they’re not persuasive.

(p. 294) Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, provided slightly different advice, noting,

If I have the time and discipline to write non-deliberative parts [of an award] before a hearing, I know the material and conduct the hearing better. Front loading is always better with reasoned awards. That’s what parties deserve to know. They should help make arbitration better, do whatever you can to help the arbitrator prepare in advance. Don’t give them one hundred volumes of documents without saying which are the most important, for example, since that doesn’t help them prepare.

Interviewee 19 also said that ‘I also don’t see any reason in international commercial arbitration why we don’t have parties drafting findings of fact and conclusions of law for arbitrators to consider. I think that’d be fantastic.’ However, that particular proposition met with mixed reviews from other respondents.230

Two comments focused on the type of individuals who are involved in adjudicatory activities. Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator, said,

For people who argue cases, who have experience as sitting as arbitrators, even though there are objections to double-hatting, there are huge benefits to counsel. It was a huge benefit to me when I was returning to [private practice] after [having served as a judge–arbitrator]. If you have experience with both, you are better at each.

Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator, similarly noted ‘how important it is for arbitrators to have lots of experience as counsel—that may affect how they address the proceedings, especially proof-taking’. However, Interviewee 16 reflected something of a bias,231 expressing concerns about

professorial types that rose to prominence in arbitration but have never been counsel, so they don’t know what’s involved in prepping cross-examination, etc. It may be because of my background as counsel, but I think it’s critical that arbitrators have experience. That has to affect how they write their decision because it affects how they perceive proof, especially at the hearing.

Finally, Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator, identified several systemic concerns, stating,

I believe clauses permitting arbitrators to allocate party fees and costs is a powerful tool in controlling frivolous and harassing arbitration. Those clauses should be embraced because they bring about justice. For example, I had a case where I did not have that (p. 295) power, and the outcome, though appropriate, did not give full justice because the winning party had spent about the amount of the award to get the outcome. My award could never reflect true justice.

IV.  Conclusion

Although the highly detailed and individualized nature of interview data can make it difficult to identify broad themes, the current study does allow for some wide generalizations. First, the vast majority of interviewees mentioned the importance of facts and factual analyses at some point during the discussion. While this may not surprise practitioners, judges, and arbitrators, academics have seldom considered how questions of fact affect legal reasoning. As this study has shown, factual considerations are both central to the reasoning process and capable of scholarly study. Hopefully, this research will generate new lines of inquiry in the coming years, including work of both a theoretical and empirical nature.

Second, the data suggested that judges and arbitrators have widely divergent opinions and practices relating to legal reasoning in commercial disputes, although those differences do not reflect a clear divide between judicial and arbitral norms. To the contrary, the interviews conducted in this study strongly suggest that different approaches to legal decision making are inherent among both judges and arbitrators. As a result, this study appears to disprove conventional wisdom suggesting that the nature and quality of judicial decision making is both different than and superior to arbitral decision making.

Normally, when faced with a range of behaviours, lawyers try to characterize one set of practices as ‘right’ and the other as ‘wrong’. However, that type of binary thinking is not appropriate here, since many if not all of the practices discussed herein can be justified by reference to values considered legitimate as a matter of legal theory. For example, those interviewees who undertook independent legal or factual research could and often did justify those practices as necessary to get to the truth of the matter, a goal that is undeniably part of the dispute resolution process, while those who refused to undertake such research could and often did explain their actions by claiming that the dispute was ‘owned’ by the parties (a particularly important principle in common law countries) or by reference to concerns about the equality of arms between the parties (a value that is respected in both common law and civil law countries).

Scholars have long recognized that well-functioning legal systems simultaneously embrace a number of motivating ‘stories’, a concept that might be described as a reasonable pluralism of dispute system design and practice.232 That understanding allows individual judges and arbitrators to prioritize different behaviours based on different (p. 296) value judgments about what is most important about legal decision making. So long as the various motivating factors can be linked to legitimate norms within the system, the method used by the neutral is appropriate. As a result, all or virtually all of the actions taken by the interviewees could be said to be legitimate within their own motivating framework.

While the study did not identify any key differences along the three axes of comparison (judicial–arbitral, domestic–international or common law–civil law), such distinctions were not anticipated, given the small sample size. Instead, the primary purpose of the interviews was to supplement and in some cases complement the survey by generating more in-depth and detailed responses to questions than were possible in the survey. As it turned out, the material gathered from the interviews was largely consistent with that produced by the survey, thereby validating the results from both studies.

Footnotes:

1  Providing copies of research instruments is considered a best practice in empirical research. Susan D Franck, ‘Empiricism and International Law: Insights for Investment Treaty Dispute Resolution’, (2008) 48 Va J Intl L 767, 787–88.

2  Lee Epstein and Gary King, ‘The Rules of Inference’, (2002) 69 U Chi L Rev 1, 113 (discussing how to generate a representative sample in small-n studies).

3  All of the judicial decisions reviewed in the coding exercise in Chapter 4 were first-instance. Ch. 4.II.A.

4  Judges are often hesitant to participate in scholarly studies without an introduction from a colleague or a reputable judicial organization. Ch. 1.II (noting difficulties with access to judges).

5  The electronic survey discussed previously included an invitation to contact the author if the respondent wanted to be interviewed or knew of someone who might want to be interviewed. Appx. I.

6  Lauren B Edelman, Howard S Erlanger, and John Lande, ‘Internal Dispute Resolution: The Transformation of Civil Rights in the Workplace’, (1993) 27 L & Soc’y Rev 497, 509–10 (discussing self-reporting and social desirability bias in the context of semi-structured interviews); Paul J Lavrakas, ‘Social Desirability’, in Encyclopedia of Survey Research Methods (Sage Publications 2008) (discussing social desirability bias).

7  This approach has been adopted by other social scientists. Edelman, Erlanger, and Lande (n 6) 510.

8  This definition was based on section 202 of the US Federal Arbitration Act. 9 USC s 202.

9  Appx. III, question 6.

10  SI Strong, ‘Reasoned Awards in International Commercial Arbitration: Embracing and Exceeding the Common Law-Civil Law Dichotomy’, (2015) 37 Mich J Intl L 1, 15–20 (Strong, Reasoned Awards); SI Strong, ‘Writing Reasoned Decisions and Opinions: A Guide for Novice, Experienced and Foreign Judges’, 2015 J Disp Res 93, 101–05 (Strong, Reasoned Decisions) (providing literature survey); see also Ch. 1.II.

11  In fact, judicial and arbitral education is a highly problematic process in many jurisdictions, both in terms of content and quality. SI Strong, ‘Judicial Education and International Courts: A Proposal Whose Time Has Come?’, in Freya Baetens (ed), Identity on the International Bench: Geography and Legal Culture (Oxford University Press forthcoming 2020); SI Strong, ‘Judicial Education and Regulatory Capture: Does the Current System of Educating Judges Promote a Well-Functioning Judiciary and Adequately Serve the Public Interest?’ 2015 J Disp Res 1, 4–5 (Strong, Judicial Education); Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 5–7.

12  Judges and arbitrators are not always required to undergo professional education before or after their appointment, and even when such courses are taken (voluntarily or mandatorily), they do not always focus on how to write a reasoned decision or award. Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 5–7; Strong, Judicial Education (n 11) 4–5.

13  Ch. 1.II; see also Ch. 2.IV.E.1 (discussing survey respondents who ‘learned by doing’).

14  Similar responses were provided by Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator (‘To provide parties with an understanding of the basis of the tribunal’s decision.’); Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘The parties are entitled to some description of the process.’); Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘To inform parties of the basis of the decision on each issue involved in the case.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘To tell parties why they won or lost.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘The purpose is to let the parties know why you are ruling the way you do.’); Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘To let the parties know the underlying reasoning for making the decision.’); Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator (‘To fulfil the mandate given, decide the issues and let parties know why we decided as we did.’); Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (noting that reasoned decisions and awards were both for the parties); and Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘To faithfully and correctly decide parties’ dispute and give reasons for the award.’).

15  Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, noted that reasoned decisions and awards ‘maximize the chance [the parties] will understand the process and abide by the outcome’.

16  Cf Table 2.36 (discussing the audience for a reasoned decision or award).

17  Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, similarly noted that reasoned decisions and awards were necessary ‘to explain to parties, especially losing parties, the reason for the award’. Interviewee 18, another international judge–arbitrator with civilian training, also stated that reasoned decisions and awards were ‘first to explain why the winning party has won, and second and more importantly, to explain to the party that has lost why he has lost’.

18  This view is somewhat contrary to those who believe that reasoned decisions or awards are less likely to generate challenges, either because the losing party understands the decision maker’s rationale or because fully reasoned decisions or awards demonstrate the absence of a reason to challenge. Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 20; Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 107. Commentary on arbitration often discusses the need to protect the award from subsequent review or annulment. Ch. 1.III.A; see also Table. 2.36.

19  A similar response came from Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator from a civil law background, who said a reasoned award was necessary ‘to clarify to a judge who has to do something with the award and show that the arbitrators did things properly’.

20  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, similarly noted that ‘there have been occasions, more procedural than substantive in recent years (when I started, the scope of review was broader), where I have written for “a reviewer”, be it court or otherwise’.

21  Ch. 1.II.

22  Although arbitral awards do not create precedent with respect to substantive concerns, they can act as a type of persuasive authority, particularly with respect to questions of arbitral procedure. SI Strong, International Commercial Arbitration: A Guide for US Judges (Federal Judicial Center 2012) 22, <https://www.fjc.gov/publications> accessed 11 April 2020.

23  Interesting, respondents to the survey did not indicate a high degree of concern for third parties. Ch. 2.IV.D.1.

24  This issue was also addressed in the survey. Table 2.36.

25  Ch. 2.IV.D.1.

26  Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Counsel and parties.’).

27  Interviewee 6 (‘Having been in-house, the first audience is the client (actual party). Also counsel. Also district court.’).

28  This issue was also addressed in the survey. Table 2.37.

29  Ch. 1.III.A.

30  Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Each issue is dealt with and the reasoning of the award explained; legal authorities cited; factual issues explained so parties understand how I dealt with individual issues ruled on.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘State facts, apply law to facts and then give award.’).

31  ‘IRAC’ is a method of organizing legal analysis often used by lawyers in common law jurisdictions. SI Strong, How to Write Law Exams: IRAC Perfected (2d edn, West Publications 2021 forthcoming) (Strong, IRAC Perfected) (published in the US only); SI Strong, How to Write Law Essays and Exams (5th edn, Oxford University Press 2018) (Strong, How to Write) (published the UK and Commonwealth).

32  Interviewee 2 also noted the need for ‘clarity’ and ‘organization—helping readers to understand each section’.

33  Ch. 1.III.A; see also SI Strong, ‘Truth in a Post-Truth Society: How Sticky Defaults, Status Quo Bias and the Sovereign Prerogative Influence the Perceived Legitimacy of International Arbitration’, 2018 U Ill L Rev 533, 537–39 (2018) (noting reasons for pervasive misunderstanding of the nature of arbitration).

34  Ch. 3.II.B.3. Some respondents, including Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, and Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, answered this question by referring back to their responses to the previous question. Interviewee 12 also noted, ‘I do an outline and then broaden the outline. When I start writing, I don’t always know the answer.’

35  The similarities in approach to structural issues existed not only between those who worked exclusively as judges or arbitrators, but also in instances where individuals worked as both judges and arbitrators. Indeed, Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, specifically stated that s/he did not adopt a different structural approach to decisions rendered as a judge and awards rendered as an arbitrator. Ch. 3.III.B.2.b.

36  The survey also distinguished between treatment of substantive and procedural issues. Ch. 2.IV.A.1.

37  The survey also suggested that international arbitrators were more concerned with procedural justice than other types of respondents. Ch. 2.IV.B.2; Table 2.23.

38  Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 29, 42 (discussing arbitrators’ need for procedural histories and chronologies); Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 109 (discussing appellate courts’ need for procedural histories).

39  Ch. 3.III.F.

40  For example, Interviewee 3, a civil law international arbitrator, noted in response to the question about the hallmarks of a well-written reasoned decision in award that ‘when the ICC scrutinizes an award that says “on the basis of the text above, the tribunal concludes this”, the ICC asks for [an additional] reason’.

41  Ch. 1.II (regarding acculturation); Table 2.38 (regarding experience reading awards as an advocate).

42  Experts in international commercial arbitration are also often experts in international investment arbitration and/or public international law and thus are familiar with the work of international courts and tribunals. James Crawford, ‘The Ideal Arbitrator: Does One Size Fit All?’, (2017) 32 Am U Intl L Review 1003, 1014.

43  Ch. 3.III.A.3; Strong, How to Write (n 31) ch. 1; Strong, IRAC Perfected (n 31) ch. 1.

44  Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘First, procedural summary of case, then brief factual/substantive summary, then findings of the arbitrator or panel discussing individual issues in light of procedural and substantive law.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Intro; talk about procedures leading up to the hearing so all the different aspects of the case, including the orders I’ve issued; overview of hearing (witnesses, how many documents in evidence); set forth the issues; if there’s an important law, give legal framework; summarize key facts; provide clear reasoning and order clearly. I will discuss in summary the parties’ arguments.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Generally speaking, I will recite facts and contentious of the parties that are the basis on which the award or decision is rendered and then give the tribunal’s analysis of the case and then the decision.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘It can vary in unusual cases. Usually, it will be the classic introduction, factual background, procedural background in actual procedure, then key threshold issues if there are any (or if the case depends on illegality, etc., decide those up front), then to individual claims and counterclaims and then cost and administrative matters, and then award (dispositif).’).

45  Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition (‘First list parties and tribunal, then procedural history, sometimes a short fact statement (depends on the case), shorter or longer description of parties’ position then analysis. If it’s a preliminary matter like jurisdiction or burden of proof, then probably I’d structure it according to claims, but it depends on the subject matter.’).

46  The coding exercise calculated the length of certain sections of reasoned decisions and awards, and many of these analyses showed very large standard deviations. Ch. 4.IV.A.

47  For example, the approach adopted by Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator, appears quite similar to the approach adopted by Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a civil law background, who referred back to the response relating to the hallmarks of a well-written reasoned decision or award, and stated, ‘As above—put in/summarize in the best possible fashion the positions of the parties. First have the facts of the case that parties agreed to, then facts found by the tribunal, then parties’ argument, then how the tribunal applies the law.’

48  Strong, IRAC Perfected (n 31) ch. 3 (discussing the need to discuss different causes of action separately); Strong, How to Write (n 31) ch. 3 (same).

49  Ch. 2.IV.A.

50  Ch. 4.IV.

51  This issue was addressed in the survey. Tables 2.5–2.6.

52  Chs. 3.III.A.3, 3.III.A.4.

53  Chs. 2.IV.A.1, 4.IV.

54  Ch. 1.III.C.

55  Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Depends on the type of subject matter—normally case law.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Depends on the type of case and the arbitration agreement.’).

56  Ch. 3.III.B.5.5; see also Table 2.11.

57  Tables 2.5, 2.6, 4.12, 4.13.

58  Ch. 3.III.B.4.

59  Ch. 2.IV.A.2.

60  This conclusion may appear at odds with citation count data generated in the coding exercise, but that material reflected the type of authorities cited in a decision or award and the frequency of citations, not how important individual authorities were in the minds of the judges and arbitrators. Tables 4.12–4.14.

61  Equity was discussed at various times in the survey. Chs. 2.IV.A.1, 2.IV.C.1, 2.IV.C.2; Tables 2.29, 2.34, 2.37.

62  Ch. 1.III.A.

63  Ch. 1.III.A.

64  Although the interview protocol indicated that focus was on commercial practices, Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator from the civil law tradition, did distinguish between commercial and investment arbitration, as did Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition. As Interviewee 2 said, ‘I read everything except in treaty cases (PCA [Permanent Court of Arbitration] and ICSID [International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes]) where there’s an institutional tribunal secretary—they do not read cases but may draft the procedural history. I do not have an assistant in commercial cases because they’re not provided to me.’

65  A number of respondents simply answered this question in the negative, without further explanation. Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘Never.’). Others simply provided percentages. Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Peruse 100 per cent, read 70 per cent.’); Interviewee 19, international arbitrator (‘10 to 50 per cent. It depends.’).

66  Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Unknown in full; unknown in part. Varies from case to case.’); Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘The percentage—I have no idea. Would vary depending on advocates. Some very fine advocates, especially those who come from a US appellate background, believe string cites are important to show credibility.’).

67  Those who have served as judges are often not used to being challenged. Ch. 2.IV.A.2 (discussing judicial hubris). This was not the only instance in which a former judge adopted a somewhat hostile tone in response to questions, though only a minority of judges or judge–arbitrators exhibited such behaviour.

68  The survey considered whether and to what extent judges and arbitrators reviewed arbitral awards as part of the substantive and procedural analysis. Ch. 2.IV.A.1.

69  For example, Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, indicated in response to the follow-up question that s/he did not read all the legal authorities ‘because most legal authorities do not refer to issues in controversy’. Similarly, Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator, indicated, ‘I do not read more because it’s not essential. I only read what’s important.’

70  Susan D Franck and others, ‘Inside the Arbitrator’s Mind’, (2017) 66 Emory LJ 1115, 1163 (discussing empirical research on egocentrism, also known as self-serving bias, in both judges and arbitrators); Ch. 2.IV.A.2 (discussing judicial hubris).

71  In this comment, Interviewee 12 used scholarliness as a pejorative, a perspective that was echoed in other interviews. Ch. 3.IV.G (discussing ‘professorial types’). Although it is outside the scope of the current research, it might be helpful to obtain a better understanding of what respondents mean by a ‘scholarly’ or ‘academic’ decision or award and why such items are framed in such a negative light.

72  Table 4.12; see also Ch. 4.II.B, 4.IV.B.1.

73  This distinction is consistent with the three types of disputes identified by US Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Cardozo. Benjamin N Cardozo, The Nature of the Judicial Process (Yale University Press 1949) 164–65 (noting different types of analysis and decisions are required by disputes that turn on facts, disputes that turn on the law, and disputes that turn on both the facts and the law); Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 33–36 (discussing similar issues in the arbitral context).

74  This distinction between how common law and civil law authorities must be read is intriguing, but does not appear to be borne out by survey data. Table 2.7 (suggesting fewer judges and arbitrators from the civil law tradition read judicial decisions in full than judges and arbitrators from the common law). However, the survey did not distinguish between the type of judicial decisions in question, a point that may benefit from further research.

75  Ch. 3.III.B.2.a.

76  Ch. 1.III.C.

77  Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator (‘All three. Mostly after because that’s when I’m writing up the award.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘All three, depending on the case and the degree to which a particular authority is critical to the decision in the case.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘All three. Sometimes legal authorities are presented early on scope of depositions, arbitrability, etc. I read when the position briefs are sent pre-hearing.’); Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘All three. Depending on case—if you’re having oral arguments, you read the items before. Definitely after—we’ll read the key cases when writing the award.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘All three. Not always, but I will refer to authorities when studying the files and definitely read the authorities afterwards. I don’t read all the authorities before the hearing.’); Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Generally before, but also during the hearing things will come up—issues that did not look relevant but do become relevant. You will then go back and read those items.’).

78  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Many of them before.’); Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge, possibly speaking about issues on motion rather than the dispute on the merits (‘Before the hearing on a dispositive action, we set up oral arguments and we give ourselves some leeway—that’s possible because our district is caught up, so I have time to read. Sometimes we have an order drafted and I ask what the issue is and we have a big memo prepared in advance.’).

79  Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from a civil law background (‘We read the authorities before and after the hearing.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Before and after.’).

80  Ch. 3.III.C.3.

81  Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 25–27; Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 126; Ch. 1.III.A.

82  The survey identified a number of possible types of actions and sought to identify the frequency with which each type was undertaken. Table 2.7.

83  Judith Resnik, ‘Diffusing Disputes: The Public in the Private of Arbitration, the Private in Courts, and the Erasure of Rights’, (2015) 124 Yale LJ 2804, 2806–07; Ch. 1.I.

84  Gary B Born, International Commercial Arbitration (Wolters Kluwer 2014) 1039–40.

85  SI Strong, ‘Limits of Procedural Choice of Law’, (2014) 39 Brooklyn J Intl L 1027, 1060–63 (Strong, Procedural Choice). This issue has been discussed, to some extent, in the context of class actions in the United States, where questions arise as to whether settling or not settling with the lead plaintiff in a class suit either moots the class action or destroys the possibility of class certification. Campbell-Ewald Co v Gomez, 136 S Ct 663, 672 (2016) (holding refusal of settlement by lead plaintiff did not moot class claim); Franco v Allied Interstate LLC, No 13-cv-4053 (KBF), 2018 WL 3410009, *6 (SDNY 13 July 2018) (denying certification on grounds that lead plaintiff who declined offer of settlement was not an adequate representative of the class.).

86  Resnik (n 83) 2806–07; Strong, Procedural Choice (n 85) 1060–63; Ch. 1.I.

87  Civil law trials are often multi-phased, as opposed to common law trials, which usually involve one major hearing. Ch. 1.III.C.

88  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Rare I do any.’).

89  Alysia1 A Cuilwik, ‘The Potential Arbitrability of Lender Liability Claims Arising From International Lending Agreements’, (1990) 8 Boston U Intl LJ 85, 119; cf Chris Guthrie, Jeffrey J Rachlinski, and Andrew J Wistrich, ‘Blinking on the Bench’, (2007) 93 Cornell L Rev 1, 35 (footnotes omitted) (discussing time constraints on the bench and noting that “[j]udges facing cognitive overload due to heavy dockets or other on-the-job constraints are more likely to make intuitive rather than deliberative decisions because the former are speedier and easier”); Letter from Alex Kozinski, US Circuit Judge, 9th Circuit, to Samuel A Alito, Jr, US Circuit Judge, 3rd Circuit (16 January 2004) 5 (noting that time constraints mean that appellate judges in the United States spend 5–10 minutes reviewing unpublished opinions that have been drafted entirely by law clerks or staff attorneys), <http://www.nonpublication.com/kozinskiletter.pdf> accessed 11 April 2020.

90  Ch. 3.III.G (Interviewee 2 (discussing the ‘what do you do it you don’t have time—the “oh my god” realities’ of arbitral practice). This concept has also been raised in the scholarly literature. E.g. Nikolaus Pitkowitz and Alice Fremuth-Wolf, ‘The Vienna Repositioning Propositions’, 2018 Austrian YB Intl Arb 209, 238; Anne-Véronique Schlaepfer and Marily Paralika, ‘Striking the Right Balance: The Roles of Arbitral Institutions, Parties and Tribunals in Achieving Efficiency in International Arbitration’, (2015) 2 BCDR Intl Arb Rev 329, 336, 339–40.

91  Pitkowitz and Fremuth-Wolf (n 90) 209; Schlaepfer and Paralika (n 90) 329.

92  Chs. 3.III.B.5, 3.III.E.2.

93  Tables 2.11, 2.13, 2.23, 2.26.

94  This is in accordance with the legal literature on arbitration and, to a lesser extent, litigation. Ch. 1.I.

95  For example, Interviewee 1, a common law domestic arbitrator, said s/he conducted independent legal research ‘because I focus on the legal issues in controversy’.

96  Interviewee 15 appeared to be speaking about judicial practice at this point, not arbitral practice.

97  Ch. 1.II (discussing acculturation in the development of judges and arbitrators).

98  Ch. 3.III.B.2.a (discussing clerkships); see also Ch. 1.II (discussing acculturation).

99  Chs. I.III.A, 2.IV.E, 3.III.F.

100  Ch. 2.IV.A.2.

101  Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the common law tradition; Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from the civil law tradition; Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator; Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator.

102  Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator; Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator; Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator.

103  Table 2.12.

104  Chs. 1.II, 2.IV.A.2 (discussing overconfidence among judges).

105  Table 2.11.

106  Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator, also indicated ‘Due process’.

107  Commentators writing in this field tend to focus on superficial issues such as whether citations should be in the body of the text or in footnotes.

108  Ch. 2.IV.A.3.

109  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the common law tradition (‘I don’t do it massively. I think probably legal authority is a major premise of the syllogism—if there’s any question about that premise, I like to tell parties the principle and the authority. It’s reflective of my thought process—I’m not always critical of legal authority but completing the syllogistic process is usually pretty easy because I have consulted legal authority.’); Interviewee 5, a domestic judge–arbitrator from the common law tradition (‘In my view, as a judge or as an arbitrator, our job is to apply the law to the facts. Arbitrators can do that with more equity than judges. [However,] it’s important parties know my reasoning is based on the authorities cited and its application to the facts.’); Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from the civil law tradition (‘I cite legal authority to give the parties additional reasoning why the tribunal has to reach that conclusion—it is not something the tribunal has created out of the blue—there are authorities that go along with that decision. Sometimes there’s little legal authority or you do not agree with courts. Then you give your reasoning without giving anything other than general rules of interpretation but no legal authorities.’).

110  Ch. 3.III.C.5.

111  Ch. 2.IV.A.3.

112  Chs. 4.IV.A, 4.VI.B.1.

113  Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘About one-third of the time.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition (‘25 per cent of the time I cite in depth.’).

114  E.g. Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘There’s a middle ground—don’t know how to answer.’).

115  Interviewee 1, a common law international arbitrator (‘Rarely in depth.’); Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘Rarely in depth.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Not very much detail.’).

116  String citations were criticized in other contexts as well. Ch. 3.III.B.6.

117  Cardozo (n 73) 164–65; Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 114; Ch. 3.II.B.

118  It is unclear what proportion of judicial decisions are reported in any particular jurisdiction, let alone overall. Ch. 4.II.A.

119  Ch. 4.II.A.

120  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘How pivotal it is.’); Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘If it influences my thinking.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Because I think it’s helpful and sustains the legal analysis.’).

121  Chapter 5 suggests creation of a questionnaire to help with this issue. Ch. 5.IV.

122  Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘They should focus more on the main authority and leave out “Christmas tree” material [things to make the award look fancy].’).

123  Ch. 1.III.A.

124  Ch. 3.B.

125  Ch. 2.IV.B.

126  While many common law jurisdictions offer law students coursework covering the formal rules of evidence, those classes tend to focus on admissibility rather than persuasiveness.

127  Frederick Schauer, ‘On the Supposed Jury-Dependence of Evidence Law’, (2006) 155 U Penn L Rev 165, 174. Arbitration also does not typically require adherence to formal rules of evidence, even in common law jurisdictions.

128  Ch. 1.III.C.

129  Ch. 1.III.C.

130  Interviewee 10, a domestic common law arbitrator (‘Documents.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Documents and testimony.’); Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Documents that are critical elements of their proof, whether they be documents in writing [or] occasionally demonstrative or photographic. Voluminous documents where the arbitrator’s attention has been focused on the relevant portion.’).

131  Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator from the common law tradition (‘We are taught the most reliable evidence are contemporaneous documents rather than ex post facto evidence.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator from the common law tradition (‘Contemporaneous documents.’).

132  In international commercial arbitration, it is increasingly common for individuals to provide their affirmative testimony through a written witness statement. The witness is then subject to live cross-examination. International Bar Association, IBA Rules on the Taking of Evidence in International Arbitration (2010) art 4, <https://www.ibanet.org/Publications/publications_IBA_guides_and_free_materials.aspx> accessed 11 April 2020.

133  Notably, individuals often overestimate the extent to which they can tell whether another person is lying. Eitan Elaad, ‘Effects of Feedback on the Overestimated Capacity to Detect Lies and the Underestimated Capacity to Tell Lies’, (2003) 17 Applied Cognitive Psych 349.

134  Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘In one case, it may be a letter; in another case, you need 10 witness statements. It depends on the case.’).

135  Chs. 2.IV.B, 3.III.B.2.

136  Ch. 3.III.B.2.a.

137  Ch. 3.III.C.2.b (noting thousands of pages of documents submitted to arbitrators).

138  Ch. 3.III.B.4.

139  Table 2.19.

140  Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Do not know—expect not 100 per cent.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘I read 50 to 100 per cent.’).

141  In some domestic litigations and in international arbitration, the term ‘bundle’ refers to the documentary submissions. In some cases, parties will submit a smaller selection of key documents known as the ‘trial bundle’ (occasionally referred to as the ‘core bundle’) that is to be used during the hearing.

142  Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘I look at 100 per cent of the documents, but read about 60 per cent in whole. For example, a corporate report, I may look at numbers but won’t read the report in whole unless the parties call it to my attention.’).

143  Common law jurisdictions typically embrace what is called the ‘rule of completeness’, which means that if a single page of a document is entered into evidence, the other side is entitled to call for the entire document to be entered into evidence so that the record is complete. The court that Interviewee 14 is referring to has obviously adapted that rule to minimize the number of pages of submitted to judges.

144  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘The advocates’ written submissions have a huge impact [on what I read] because I admire and recognize good advocacy, and when I’m presented with it (and I’ve seen a lot), I want to follow it. That’s also true at hearings, whether oral presentations by argument or written submissions.’); Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge (‘Relevancy and advocacy.’).

145  Ch. 3.III.B.3.

146  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Yes to all three. There’s no significant pattern. It depends on the case and the nature of advocacy. I may do all three in some cases.’); Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘All three.’); Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator (‘All three.’); Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge (‘All three.’); Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘All of the above.’). Other respondents were a little less rigid in their approach, as exemplified by Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator, who reviewed evidentiary materials ‘before or during [the hearing]. I refer back in award drafting.’

147  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘During and after.’); Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘During the hearing.’).

148  Ch. 3.III.C.1.

149  Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘I can’t generalize.’); Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator (‘Depends on what the conflict is. I had a case where the person said, “I can remember what the engineer told me because we were on a hill and he said X.” On cross examination, he gave more details about the day, and later a letter showed the conversation was in February in Montana. No one would be on a hill in Montana in February. Normally I believe the witness, but if they’re contradicted by a letter, then I believe the letter.’); Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Cannot say in the abstract. It depends. Some documents are so crucial and so glaring that you must pay attention to them. For example, I had an antitrust case—one email was so clearly showing the antitrust breach, you give great importance to the document.’); Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘It’s a case by case issue. Some documents are definitive. Some documents you must evaluate all together to provide strong evidence. It depends on the type, amount of documents and whether one or two documents will give the answer or if you need a group of documents that are persuasive. Sometimes one document makes the difference, but that’s rare.’).

150  Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator from a common law background (‘To be persuasive, evidence needs to be prepared by someone with knowledge.’); Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from a civil law background (‘Depends on the case. I base my decision on the evidence that is most convincing. Sometimes it’s letters, sometimes cross-examination, sometimes witness statements, sometimes a mix.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘The practical answer—you give it [weight] to the evidence that supports or disputes the claim.’).

151  Guthrie, Rachlinski, and Wistrick (n 89) 40–41, 43 (noting usefulness of checklists and multifactor tests in overcoming unconscious biases).

152  Ch. 2.IV.B.3.

153  Ch. 3.III.B.5.

154  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Whether it’s been raised by the parties; whether I believe it’s important to the determination of the matter.’).

155  The notion of making sure that the parties, especially the losing party, feel heard was addressed in the survey. Tables 2.15, 2.23, 2.28.

156  Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘It’s based on the type of case. I base my analysis on the testimony of the witness and the issues in the case.’); Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge (‘Usually it is in the moving parties’ brief. Goes back to IRAC—we deal with issues people bring to us. If the parties have three issues, then we’ll have three issues in the rule of law section [and thus must deal with those issues in the factual analysis].’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Ones that particularly support the claims or disputes the claim.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘What is the issue? I look at the central issue of the case—the facts (documents or testimony) that bear on that core issue, then I include it.’).

157  Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘They’re required for a reasoned award.’); Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘I can’t conceive of a way you do not do that.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘Because they’re the basis for your award.’). This rationale was discussed in the survey. Table 2.28.

158  Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘I would like parties to ID [identify] the most important documents separately even if they include the rest.’).

159  Javier H Rubinstein, ‘International Commercial Arbitration: Reflections at the Crossroads of the Common Law and Civil Law Traditions’, (2004) 5 Chi J Intl L 303, 308; Ch. 1.III.C.

160  Ch. 3.III.D.

161  Ch. 3.III.D (noting that s/he asked questions of counsel in construction cases).

162  Ch. 3.III.D.

163  Ch. 3.III.E.

164  Ch. 2.IV.C.

165  Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘I don’t have a set pattern that I’m aware of. I turn everything over in my mind, especially the issues that trouble me. Usually there are one to two major issues, and I go back to the documents and do some soul-searching. I have no checklist—it’s a more ontological process.’).

166  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘I start with arguments of parties and the legal framework if I’ve been given it, arguments of parties and facts—I look at all of that.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Elements and facts/evidence that support those elements.’).

167  Ch. 1.III.D.

168  This issue was also addressed in the survey. Tables 2.31, 2.32.

169  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘I assume so, but I don’t know for sure. I hope it has and will continue to do so, though I don’t know how I’d want it to change.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Hard for me to know. Yes, a little bit.’).

170  Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘No.); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Not that I’m aware.’); Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge (‘No.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No, not really.’).

171  The increasingly complexity of international commercial arbitration has been discussed in the legal literature. SI Strong, ‘Increasing Legalism in International Commercial Arbitration: A New Theory of Causes, A New Approach to Cures,’ (2013) 7 World Arb & Med Rev 117, 118–27 (2013); Ch. 1.III.A.

172  Indeed, some commentators have claimed that international commercial arbitration provides ‘Rolls-Royce justice’. Russell J Weintraub, International Litigation and Arbitration: Practice and Planning (Carolina Academic Publishers 1994) 455.

173  This issue was also addressed in the survey. Tables 2.33, 2.34.

174  Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Not my reasoning, no.’).

175  Ch. 3.III.B.2, 3.III.C.2.

176  Interviewees 3 and 12 indicated that they did not accept enough matters outside their standard area of expertise to answer this question. Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator who handled a small percentage of international cases, indicated that s/he did not change his/her approach to legal reasoning depending on the nature of the dispute.

177  Although first-instance judges typically work alone, arbitrators often work in panels. Some research exists on how arbitrators are affected by others in a panel. Edna Sussman, ‘The Arbitrator Survey – Practices, Preferences and Changes on the Horizon’, (2015) 26 Am Rev Intl Arb 517, 529.

178  Some survey respondents indicated that this would be a fruitful area of research, although the issue was not included in the survey itself for reasons of space. Ch. 2.IV.F.

179  Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator from a civil law background (‘No change when acting on a panel.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a common law background (‘Don’t think so’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 20, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator from a civil law background (‘No.’).

180  Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator (‘Same as before.’); Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator (‘Same as above. Focus on main issues.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Same as before. Wish they knew how we do it.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Already answered—try to make it user-friendly. Don’t dumb it down, but “this is why this argument makes sense”. It’s not an abstract exercise. Not all lawyers are good at this.’).

181  Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘I love being judgmental, so there’s never been an issue’ with respect to writing reasoned awards).

182  Ch. 2.IV.D.

183  Ch. 1.III.A; see also Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 33–36 (providing a taxonomy of arbitral awards); Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 113–14 (discussing three types of judicial decisions).

184  Cardozo (n 73) 164–65; Strong, Reasoned Awards (n 10) 2, 33–36 (providing a taxonomy of arbitral awards); Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 113–14 (discussing three types of judicial decisions).

185  Determinations about the publication of judicial decisions often lies with the court, although procedures vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. Ch. 4.II.A. Determinations about the publication of arbitral awards typically lies with the administering arbitral institution, although publication can also arise if and when a party seeks to enforce an award in court. SI Strong, ‘Research in International Commercial Arbitration: Special Skills, Special Sources’, (2009) 20 Am Rev Intl Arb 119, 143 (noting arbitral awards published by arbitral institutions are often denatured (anonymized)).

186  Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Almost all contracts require reasoned awards.’); Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘The arbitration agreement controls’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Did the parties ask for it; do the rules/arbitral clause require it.’); Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator (‘Rules of most major institutions and ad hoc rules require reasoned awards, so no issue about that.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Never have been in a case that did not require a reasoned award.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘In AAA, unless the agreement provides for a reasoned award, there is none. A AAA reasoned award is a function of what parties have requested, and they give the detail they want (standard, reasoned, etc.).’); Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘The parties in arbitration want a reasoned award.’); Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator (‘I have never issued a decision that was not reasoned.’): Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator (‘All are reasoned awards for me.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘International commercial arbitration is always reasoned.’).

187  These concerns were also considered in the survey. Tables 2.15, 2.28, 2.36.

188  Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘I coach elementary school forensics. I tell them to make an outline to force categorization, structure, groupings. I use the same approach in awards. Doing things in outline form helps me focus my thinking and that matches well with my mental landscape.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Start by summarizing the facts and what was presented after the hearing, then tie to conclusions of law, then tie to damages and make the award.’).

189  Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Outline, then broaden by referencing the support for how I come down on issues that must be decided to get an award. Separate factors and write about each factor. In commercial matters, take it topic by topic and don’t just state “here’s what claimant said and here’s their evidence”.’).

190  IRAC stands for ‘Issue-Rule-Application-Conclusion’, a standard common law analytical technique. Strong, IRAC Perfected (n 31) ch. 1; Strong, How to Write (n 31) ch. 1; Ch. 3.III.A.3.

191  Ch. 1.II.

192  Sussman (n 177) 525, 533 (studying frequency of changes in anticipated outcome and when such changes occur).

193  Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Yes.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Yes.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘Yes.’).

194  Wendy Miles, ‘Practical Issues for Appointment of Arbitrators’, (2003) 20 J Intl Arb 219, 227; Yu-Jin Tay, ‘Reflections on the Selection of Arbitrators’, in Albert Jan van den Berg (ed), International Council of Commercial Arbitrators Congress Series No. 17: International Commercial Arbitration: The Coming of a New Age? (2003) 112, 114–15.

195  Ch. 1.III.A. Indeed, first-instance judges typically work alone and are thus liable to make the same types of errors as arbitrators working alone, although the opportunity for an appeal on the merits provides a safeguard against judicial errors.

196  Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge (‘Yes. When we get down to the tough ones, we have an area in the library and sit and talk (me and my three [law clerks]).’).

197  E.g. Attila Ambrus, Ben Greiner, and Parag Pathak, ‘Group Versus Individual Decision-Making: Is There a Shift?’ Economics Working Papers 0019, Institute for Advanced Study, School of Social Science (2009) 1.

198  Interviewee 1, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Rarely—though not so rare that it never happens.’); Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator (‘Probably yes, but in most cases not.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘It’s happened. Not often.’); Interviewee 7, an international arbitrator (‘I do. Not that often, but it has happened.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Not too often.’); Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Yes. Not that often—it’s happened maybe two, three, four times.’); Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘Rarely.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Sometimes—very few times.’).

199  Notably, Interviewee 9 indicated earlier in the interview that his/her approach to legal reasoning differed from other judges in his/her jurisdiction, both with respect to the amount of time (see Ch. 3.III.B.4.a relating to the ‘luxury of time’) and with respect to staffing arrangements (‘I have brilliant inquisitive folks on my team, and I made a decision not to have a judicial assistant because I’d rather have lawyers [i.e. additional staff attorneys] to help me.’). Interviewee 9 also noted that those changes s/he made are ‘rarely about what the controlling law should do’, which challenges a longstanding assumption that arbitrators focus on the facts while judges focus on the law. Ch. 1.III.A.

200  Parties have traditionally considered strength of character and conviction when appointing arbitrators, along with the ability of their arbitrator to persuade others. Douglas Pilawa, ‘Sifting Through the Arbitrators for the Woman, the Minority, the Newcomer’, 2019 51 Case Western Reserve J Intl L 408–11.

201  Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Hard to say.’).

202  Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘Because when I’m in the process of writing, I decide I had the same issue in a couple of categories in my mental landscape and assessed the same penalty twice. That can change my outcome.’).

203  Ch. 1.III.A.

204  Ch. 2.IV.E.

205  Table 2.38.

206  Ch. 1.II (discussing socialization or acculturation).

207  Interviewee 3, an international arbitrator (‘No classes.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Not a course—maybe a AAA CLE program.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘No classes.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No classes.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No classes.’); Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Nobody—on the job.’); Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator (‘No. I taught one once.’).

208  Interviewee 2, an international arbitrator (‘Maybe a mandatory AAA course, but that’s not where I learned my skills.’); Interviewee 16, an international judge–arbitrator (‘I’m an auto-didact. I have been counsel in many cases, so I have seen a lot. I may have gone to courses, but that’s not how I learned. Being in the arbitral world and reading so many awards has been most important.’).

209  International Council for Commercial Arbitration, Drafting Sourcebook for Logistical Matters in Procedural Orders, <https://www.arbitration-icca.org/projects/Protocols.html> accessed 11 April 2020.

210  International Bar Association, Arbitration Committee Toolkit for Award Writing, <https://www.ibanet.org/LPD/Dispute_Resolution_Section/Arbitration/Default.aspx> accessed 11 April 2020.

211  Many countries have national institutions for judicial education and training. Strong, Reasoned Decisions (n 10) 95.

212  Ibid.

213  Ch. 2.IV.A.2. For example, Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator who came from the same legal system as Interviewee 9, indicated that s/he had not taken certain orientation courses that virtually all judges in that jurisdiction attend upon elevation to the bench.

214  Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Going back to [the beginning of my career]—I had strictly domestic commercial arbitration. I had to sit down and write, and it came naturally. I had to tell what the dispute was about, the contentions, then give the law and facts.’); Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘I have been writing since I was seven—my mom was a teacher, my dad a rhetorician.’).

215  Ch. 2.IV.E.1.

216  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘I don’t know. It’s been a long time.’); Interviewee 8, an international judge–arbitrator (‘Can’t think of anything.’).

217  Interviewee 3, a civil law international arbitrator (‘Nothing. I didn’t need anything. I knew.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Nothing, because I was in the hot seat as a law clerk. A good judge will ask you to justify what’s on the page.’); Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Nothing—we’re trained in law school by reading other courts’ opinions. You’ve been reading good writing for a long time by the time you get to the bench.’).

218  Ch. 1.III.A.

219  Ch. 4.IV.

220  Ch. 2.IV.E.

221  Interviewee 18, an international judge–arbitrator (‘No.’).

222  Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Yes.’); Interviewee 9, a common law domestic judge (‘I think we’d all benefit—we all can learn.’); Interviewee 10, a common law domestic arbitrator (‘I do, especially if judges have not been appellate judges.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Sure.’); Interviewee 12, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Yes.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘Yes.’); Interviewee 19, an international arbitrator (‘Yes, for some that I’ve worked with.’).

223  Ch. 1.II. The bias blind spot can lead to problems in both judicial and arbitral settings and can be linked to problems of judicial or arbitral ‘hubris’. Ch. 2.IV.A.2

224  Ch. 2.IV.E.

225  Experts in andragogy (adult education) suggest that experiential learning is optimal for experienced individuals. Malcolm S Knowles, The Modern Practice of Adult Education: From Pedagogy to Andragogy (Cambridge Book Co 1980) 45–49.

226  Interviewee 4, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 5, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 6, a mixed international–domestic arbitrator (‘Don’t think so.’); Interviewee 11, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 13, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 14, an international judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 15, a common law domestic judge–arbitrator (‘No.’); Interviewee 17, an international judge–arbitrator (‘No.’).

227  See also Ch. 3.III.C.6 (indicating over-zealous advocacy can backfire).

228  Such a study might resemble recent research in the judicial realm. Brian Sheppard, ‘Judging Under Pressure: A Behavioral Examination of the Relationship Between Legal Decisionmaking and Time’, (2012) 39 Florida St U L Rev 931; see also Jeffrey J Rachlinski and Andrew J Wistrich, ‘Judging the Judiciary by the Numbers: Empirical Research on Judges’, (2017) 13 Ann Rev L & Soc Sci 203, 223 (noting judges perform worse under time pressure).

229  Ch. 2.IV.F.

230  Chs. 2.IV.A.2, 3.III.E.3 (discussing giving draft portions of a reasoned decision or award to the parties or obtaining the parties’ assistance in drafting).

231  Ch. 3.III.C.2.b (noting bias against ‘scholarly’ work or training).

232  Kathryn Abrams, ‘Hearing the Call of Stories’, (1991) 79 Cal L Rev 971, 1043; Daniel A Farber and Suzanna Sherry, ‘The 200,000 Cards of Dmitri Yurasov: Further Reflections on Scholarship and Truth’, (1949) 46 Stan L Rev 647, 648; see also Hiro N Aragaki, ‘Deliberative Democracy as Dispute Resolution? Conflict, Interests, and Reasons’, (2009) 24 Ohio St. J Disp Res 407, 416–18.